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Centre ror Reiormation 

and Renaissance Studies 


Victoria University 
in tne University oi Toronto 

Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2010 with funding from 

University of Toronto 


Society for Confraternity Studies 

Volume 12, No. 1 

Spring 2001 


Konrad Eisenbichler 

Assistant Editor 
Dylan Reid 

Editorial Board 

Giovanna Casagrande (Universita di Perugia) 

Lance Lazar (University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill) 

Nerida Newbigin (University of Sydney) 

Lorenzo Polizzotto (University of Western Australia) 

Joelle Rollo-Koster (University of Rhode Island) 

Ludovica Sebregondi (University di Firenze) 

Nicholas Terpstra (University of Toronto) 
Susan Verdi Webster (St Thomas University) 

Confratemitas is published biannually (Spring and Fall) by the Centre for Reformation and 
Renaissance Studies for the Society for Confraternity Studies. The subscription price is $15 
per annum. 

Confratemitas is a refereed journal. It welcomes brief articles, news and notes of interest to 
colleagues, notices of forthcoming conferences or papers, and general queries. Contributors , 
are asked to use the A style of the Chicago Manual of Style. 

Offprints and publications dealing with European confraternities in the Middle Ages and] 
the Renaissance received by Confratemitas are listed under the "Publications Received" 
rubric and then deposited into the Confraternities Collection at the Centre for Reformation! 
and Renaissance Studies (Toronto). 

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ISSN 1180-0682 


Volume 12, No. 1, Spring 2001 



"A Major Confraternity Commission in Quito, Ecuador: the Church of El 


Susan V. Webster 3 

"Confraternities and Brotherhoods in Spain, 1500-1800" 

William Callahan 17 

News 26 


Fehler, Timothy G. Poor Relief and Protestantism. The Evolution of 

Social Welfare in Sixteenth-Century Emden (John Gagne) 35 

Guilds, Markets and Work Regulations in Italy, 16th-19th Centuries. 

Eds. Alberto Guenzi et al. (Nicholas Terpstra) 36 

The Politics of Ritual Kinship. Confraternities and Social Order in Early 
Modern Italy. Ed. Nicholas Terpstra (Mark Crane) 37 

Quellen zur Geschichte der Kolner Laienbruderschaften vom 

ll.Jahrhundert bis 1562/63, ed. Klaus Militzer. Band 4 (Victor Thiessen) ... 38 

Terpstra, Nicholas. Lay Confraternities and Civic Religion in 

Renaissance Bologna (Milton Kooistra) 39 

Publications Received 42 

A Major Confraternity Commission in Quito, 
Ecuador: the Church of El Sagrario^ 


On 4 November 1694, members of the Confraternity of the Most Holy Sacrament 
gathered excitedly in the chapel of San Ildefonso in the Cathedral of Quito where 
they were to draw up and sign a contract with the architect who would build their 
new church. The signing of the contract marked a moment of great triumph for 
the confraternity, for it represented the culmination of decades of effort and 
planning, both financial and logistical. According to its terms, the confraternity 
engaged the architect to undertake "the design and construction of the Church of 
El Sagrario starting from its first foundations until it is finished and complete with 
the required offices of sacristies, crypts, and all other necessities for the service 
of the said Church." The signature of the architect, Jose Jaime Ortiz, along with 
those of the governing members of the confraternity and two representatives from 
the Cathedral Chapter, appears at the end of the document. 

The imposing colonial church of El Sagrario is one of the most well known 
historical monuments in Quito (fig. 1). Constructed along the south wall of the 
Cathedral, to which it is connected by an interior portal. El Sagrario serves as 
parish church for the lively Cathedral sector in the heart of colonial Quito. Despite 
its popular and historic status, until now almost nothing has been known of its 
origins, authorship, patronage, or process of construction. Even the dating of the 
church has been the subject of speculation by historians, although most agree that 
it was begun in the mid-seventeenth century, and that it was completed by 1706.^ 
Summarizing the state of knowledge about the history of El Sagrario, the great 
Ecuadorian art historian Jose Gabriel Navarro lamented, "We have not found the 
slightest indication among the archival documents regarding the architect of one 

This article is a summary of aspects of a more in-depth study of the Confraternity of the 
Most Holy Sacrament and the Church of El Sagrario that I am presently preparing as a 
book, which will be published in Spanish in Quito by the Pontificia Universidad CatoHca 
del Ecuador and Editorial Abya-Yala in 2001. 1 would like to express my most sincere 
gratitude to the Aquinas Foundation and the University of St. Thomas, whose generous 
support allowed me to undertake this research in Ecuador during the summer of 2000. 
AHNQ Censos y Capellanias, caja 5, expte. 2, fol. 66v. "la fabrica y obra de la Capilla 
del Sagrario enpesandola desde sus primeros simientos hasta darla entera y acauada con 
las ofi9inas necesarias de sacristias bouedas y demas menesteres para el semi9io de dicha 

For example, see Jose Maria Vargas, Patrimonio artistico ecuatoriano (Quito: Editorial 
Santo Domingo, 1972), p. 318; Jose Gabriel Navarro, Guia artistica de Quito (Quito: La 
Prensa Catolica, 1961), p. 167; Damian Bayon and Murillo Marx, History of South 
American Colonial Art and Architecture (Barcelona: Ediciones Poligrafa, 1989), p. 41. 

4 Confratemitas 12:1 

Figure 1 : Fa9ade of the Church of El Sagrario, Quito (Photo: Heman Navarrete) 

A Major Confraternity Commission in Quito, Ecuador 5 

of the most important monuments of Quitefian architecture . . . The account book 
of its construction [libro defdbrica] does not exist. "^' 

The account book of construction has now come to light (fig. 2), and it affords 
an opportunity to illuminate not only the historical importance of the building and 
the architect, but that of the patron as well.^ The libro defdbrica demonstrates 
unequivocally that the sole patron, overseer, and decorator of the church was the 
Confraternity of the Most Holy Sacrament. This confraternity is the earliest 
documented brotherhood in Quito, established in 1543, just eight years after the 
foundation of the city itself. In this early period, the confraternity was housed in 
an adobe and thatch structure on the main plaza that served as the city's first 
church. In 1545, the church was elevated to the status of a cathedral, and in 1562 
construction began on the building that stands today on the central plaza. Upon 
the completion of the Cathedral in 1578-79, the Confraternity of the Most Holy 
Sacrament was located in a side chapel which they shared with an altar and 
confraternity dedicated to the Virgin of Copacabana for well over a century until 
its members were finally able to construct a church of their own in the late 
seventeenth century.^ 

Several copies of the confraternity's earHest rule book survive, all dating 
from 1543, the year that marked its foundation.^ The confraternity was dedicated 
to the adoration of the Holy Sacrament, and especially to its salvific powers. 
According to the preamble to the ordinances, the founding members decided to 
form the confraternity "not solely for the honor of our lord and god more for the 
health and salvation of our souls. "^ Given that the Spanish citizens of Quito at 

Guia artistica, p. 167. "En los papeles del archive no hemos encontrado el mas ligero 
indicio del autor de uno de los monumentos mas correctos de la arquitectura quitena . . . 
Libro de fabrica no existe." 

"Libro de la Cofradia del Santissimo Sacramento, que sea alabado, y bendito para 
siempre, fii[n]dadaen lacapillade n[uest]ra Senorade Copacabana en la Iglesia Cathedral 
de esta Ciudad de San Francisco del Quito: Diolo Bemardino de Anagoytia siendo 
Mayordomo desta S[an]ta Cofradia, el ano de 1689." The libro defdbrica is divided into two 
parts that are located in separate sections of the Archivo Historico Nacional de Quito: AHNQ 
Religiosas, caja 7, expte. 1 -VII- 1692, and AHNQ Censos y Capellanias, caja 5, expte. 2. 
For the most recent history of the Cathedral of Quito that is based on primary documents, 
see Marcela Alemdn A., Rita Diaz, Nidia G6mez, and Lucia Gal6as, Salvaguarda de la 
Catedral Primada de Quito (Quito: Institute Nacional de Patrimonio Cultural, 1997). 
References to the chapel in which the Confraternity of the Most Holy Sacrament was 
located appear in the "Libros del Cabildo de la Catedral," Archivo de la Catedral de Quito 
(ACQ), especially Libro 9 (1646-73), fols. 291v-292r, et passim. 
AHBCQ Fondo Jijon y Camaano, primera serie, 7/10; 17/11. Three copies of the rule 
book of 1543 exist among the cited documents: one is dated Febmary, 1543; one in 
August, 1543; one is undated, but obviously from the same year. The mle books exhibit 
only minor differences. To avoid confusion, hereafter I will refer only to the two dated 
rule books, which are referenced following their catalog numbers as 7/10 (August) and 
7/11 (Febmary). 

Ibid., 7/10, fol. 172v. "no solamente para la honrra de n[uest]ro dios y senor mas para la 
salud y salua9ion de n[uest]ras anymas." 

Confratemitas 12:1 


COFR __ 

S a c ra 1 1 1 e n ic), q ue f ca 

alabado^y bcndrto 

para lieinpre.llT- 

pi Hade lira 

Dec 07 


OucIaaS tfart/ 




Figure 2: Frontispiece of the Libro de Fdbrica of the Confraternity of the Most 
Holy Sacrament, 1689-1716 (Photo: Heman Navarrete) 

A Major Confraternity Commission in Quito, Ecuador 7 

that time were the conquistadors and first colonists who found themselves in an 
unfamiliar land distant from the spiritual traditions and comforts of Europe, they 
likely felt a strong impetus to form a confraternity in order to ensure the salvation 
of their souls and an appropriate Christian burial. The establishment of the 
Confraternity of the Most Holy Sacrament afforded above all a means of securing 
important spiritual insurance, and the confraternity documents emphasize that 
many such benefits would accrue to their members. The preamble to the ordi- 
nances highlights these attractive features of membership, stating, "And to incline 
us toward [the Holy Sacrament] in love And devotion, the most holy pope paul 
III now has conceded us many graces And indulgences And remissions [of sins] 
and pardons to all those who become brothers of the Most Holy Sacrament And 
who accompany it when it goes out to visit a sick person."^ Indeed, there was 
ample incentive to join the confraternity, for its ordinances are followed by 
fourteen folios that list more than 125 separate occasions in order of feast days, 
week days, and special actions and devotions on which the myriad indulgences, 
graces, pardons, and remissions accorded to the confraternity might be gained by 
its members. ^^ 

Following European tradition, the confraternity also played a philanthropic 
role in the community. The principal act of charity undertaken by the Confrater- 
nity of the Most Holy Sacrament, and the focus of much of its day to day activity, 
was that of visiting the sick and dying. Indeed, the confraternity came to identify 
itself over time as that of the "Most Holy Sacrament and Viaticum of the Sick." 
Several chapters in the rule books directly address these procedures, describing 
the procession with the viaticum under a baldachin to the house of the afflicted 
accompanied by confraternity members carrying lighted candles.* ^ Confraternity 
records demonstrate that this practice was extended to the poor and needy of the 
community, including those incarcerated in the local prisons. In a related manner, 
the confraternity also functioned as a burial society, organizing funeral proces- 
sions (with a certain number of members and lighted candles), and offering 
masses and prayers for the souls of the deceased. Burial benefits were extended 
to the families of members and, in keeping with the confraternity's charitable role, 
to poor members of the community.*^ 

Membership in the confraternity apparently was not limited to Spaniards, for 
according to its rules, anyone who was "calm and of good life and reputation and 
not rebellious so that the cabildo might remain in peace and tranquillity" might 
be accepted as a member.*^ Not surprisingly, however, no indigenous names 

9 Ibid., fols. 172v-173r. "E por nos ynclinar en su amor E devocion nos con9edio su 
santidad del submo pontifi9e paolo ter9io agora reciuen muchas gracias E yndulgencias 
E remisiones e perdones a todos aquellos que fueren cofrades del sanctissimo sacramento 
E le acompanaren quando saliere a visitar algun enfermo." 

10 Ibid., 7/1 1, fols. 194r-200v. 

11 Ibid., 7/10, fols. 173v-174r. 

12 Ibid. 7/10., fols. 174v-176r. 

13 Ibid., 7/10, fol. 173v. "quieta y de buena vida e fama e no reboltosa porquel cauyldo este 

8 Confratemitas 12:1 

appear on the early membership rosters, and the only women initially permitted 
to join were the wives of members. All members were required to swear an oath 
to uphold the rules of the confraternity, and were forbidden from discussing any 
of their activities outside of the meetings. 

The first members of the confraternity were among the upper echelons of the 
Spanish conquistadors and colonists, and included numerous captains and city 
officials. The Rule Book of August 1543 is signed by four founding members, 
Captain Fernando Ortiz y Mena, Captain Francisco Ruiz, Pedro de Baesde, and 
Hernando de la Parra.^"^ Historical records show that at least two of these 
members, Francisco Ruiz and Hernando de la Parra, were among the founding 
citizens of Quito. During the sixteenth century, both held large encomiendas, or 
land and labor grants, in the region. ^^ In a document of 1572, Francisco Ruiz is 
cited as one of the two wealthiest citizens in the Audiencia of Quito. ^^ The 
membership roster demonstrates that numerous captains, civil authorities, and 
encomenderos }oined the confraternity shortly after it was founded. ^^ 

Over the following centuries, the confraternity maintained a membership of 
elite and wealthy citizens, and thus developed into a powerful and financially 
sound institution. Like most confraternities, the finances of the Most Holy 
Sacrament were derived from membership fees and dues, alms collected in the 
streets and offered by members, testamentary bequests, and above all, censos, or 
the interest on rental properties owned by the institution. In 1630, plans for the 
construction of a more ample and appropriate private chapel were discussed by 
the confraternity and the Cathedral Chapter; however, financial and logistical 
problems prevented the project from moving forward. ^^ By 1693, however, the 
confraternity had substantially increased its revenue from censos, which in that 
year accounted for 60% of its annual income, and alms and donations had reached 
an all-time high. ^^ The burgeoning economic prosperity of the brotherhood finally 
provided the means to construct a new building entirely dedicated to its purposes. 
Negotiations with the Cathedral Chapter in the early 1690s suggested the use of 
a large space located directly to the south of the Cathedral. However, the existence 
of a ravine in this location would require a feat of engineering in order to construct 
a stable base.^^ In search of a solution, the confraternity set about locating and 

en paz y en quietud." 

14 Ibid., 7/10, fol. 176v. 

1 5 Hernando de la Parra was granted the title to Chumaque, Caque, and Canares by President 
Gasca, and Francisco Ruiz was given the estates of Canzacoto, Pingolqui, Pifo, Inga, 
Pilloli, Chananchillo, and Uyumbicho by the conquistador Francisco Pizarro. See Pilar 
Ponce Leiva, ed., Relaciones Historico-Geogrdficas de la Audiencia de Quito (Quito: 
MARKA and Ediciones Abya-Yala, 1992) I, pp. 202, 204. 

16 Ibid., p. 206. 

17 AHBCQ Fondo Jijon y Camaano, primera serie, 7/11, fols. 192r-193v. 

1 8 Jos6 Maria Vargas, Patrimonio artistico ecuatoriano (Quito: Editorial Santo Domingo, 
1972), pp. 317-18. 

19 AHNQ Censos y Capellanias, caja 5, expte. 2, fols. 48r-49r. 

20 In fact, the architect did undertake a feat of engineering in order to construct the 

A Major Confraternity Commission in Quito, Ecuador 9 

engaging an architect to prepare the foundation and to design and oversee the 
construction of the church. 

Fortuitously, a young Valencian architect recently arrived from Spain, Jose 
Jaime Ortiz, was passing through Quito in early November 1694 en route to Lima, 
Peru, in search of major commissions.^^ The confraternity members were 
undoubtedly delighted to discover his presence in the city, and must have acted 
quickly in order to secure his services. According to the minutes of a cabildo 
(board meeting), celebrated on 5 November 1694, the brothers noted that "finding 
[present] in this city Don Jaime Ortiz, who is said to be an architect, and having 
been informed by the brothers that he is an expert in the art, it appeared to them 
appropriate that the said person undertake the said work and construction . . . and 
they signed a contract with the said architect so that he could begin the said 
work."^^ The confraternity agreed to pay architect the impressive sum of 4,500 
patacones; 2,250 upon the initiation of the work, 1,125 at the halfway point, and 
the remaining 1,125 patacones upon its completion as specified in the contract.^^ 

In the subsequent cabildo of 12 March 1695, the governing board of the 
confraternity added a clause to the contract with the architect in which they 
stipulated that, in addition to overseeing the project, Ortiz be required to work 
personally on the construction, and that he be visibly present each day on the job. 
For this added obhgation, the board awarded him an annual salary of 100 
patacones in addition to the previously agreed upon fee.^"* Construction thus 
began on the Church of El Sagrario in 1695 under close supervision by both the 
architect and the confraternity. 

The libro de fdbrica demonstrates that the confraternity was intimately 
involved in every aspect of the construction and decoration of El Sagrario. Dating 
from the time of the architectural commission, special officers were elected to 
oversee specific aspects of the work. In the cabildo of 12 March 1695, in addition 
to the election of the traditional offices of mayordomo mayor, a series of subsid- 
iary offices (mayordomos menores) were created, including those of mayordomo 
of the quarry and mayordomo of the construction.^^ As the building progressed, 

foundation of the church in this difficult site. In 1699, the architect lodged a complaint 
with the ecclesiastical authorities in which he demanded that the confraternity be required 
to pay him more than that stipulated in the original contract due to the extra time, effort, 
and risk to his own life involved in the process of laying the foundations. The architect 
describes these vicissitudes in detail in AAQ Cofradias, caja 2 (1699), fols. lr-16r. I am 
grateful to my research assistant, Gaby Costa, for bringing this document to my attention. 

21 Ibid., fol. Ir. This information is drawn from Ortiz's own testimony. 

22 AHNQ Censes y Capellanias, caja 5, expte. 2, fol. 66r. 

23 Ibid., fol. 67r. The patacon was a silver coin weighing one ounce, and was the coin of 
greatest value during the colonial period. See Tamara Estupinan Viteri, Diccionario 
bdsico del comercio colonial quiteno (Quito: Ediciones del Banco Central del Ecuador, 
1997), p. 262. 

24 AHNQ Censes y Capellanias, caja 5, expte. 2, fol. 69v. Several years after the work was 
initiated, the architect's salary was raised to 200 patacones per annum. 

25 Ibid., fol. 69r. 

10 Confratemitas 12:1 

the numbers of mayordomos menores increased, and a variety of new offices were 
created to address specific needs. For example, in the cabildo of 4 April 1704, 
the office of mayordomo of the quarry and the facade was created, marking the 
year in which the special stone for the facade was first quarried.^^ The mayordomo 
who served as overseer of the facade until its completion in 1706, Gabriel de 
Escorza, was apparently so proud of the results of his efforts that he had an 
inscription to that effect carved on the entablature above the main portal, which 
reads: "This facade was begun under the care of D. Gabriel de Escorza Escalante 
on 30 April of the year 1699 and it was completed 2 June of 1706."^^ The libro 
de fdbrica demonstrates that Gabriel de Escorza was consistently re-elected to 
the post of mayordomo of the quarry and facade from 1699 to 1706.'^^ 

The confraternity officers maintained close supervision of the materials and 
processes of construction, and worked to ensure quality control. In 1704, for 
example, a deHvery of 500 bricks was summarily rejected by one of the mayor- 
domos because they were "badly fired and [too] small and will not serve for the 
work."^^ In another case, one of the mayordomo menores was fired from his 
position "for not complying with his obligations," and was immediately replaced 
by another member of the Confraternity.^^ It is worth noting that the Confraternity 
officers elected to oversee the various aspects of construction in most cases 
pursued their charges as full time employment, and were well paid for their work. 

Detailed expenditures for the materials of construction, as well as the man- 
power, are recorded in the libro de fdbrica. Payments for huge quantities of brick, 
stone, tiles, and slaked lime dominate the yearly expenses throughout the period 
of construction. Notable events, however, such as the laying of the first stone in 
1695,-^^ or the consecration of the church in 1715,^^ are mentioned only in passing 
reference to their associated expenditures. Among the more interesting expenses 
in terms of construction processes are the many payments for mule-loads of 
pumice stone that were brought from a special quarry in Latacunga, located nearly 
50 miles over steep and treacherous Andean mountain passes from the city of 
Quito.^^ These records indicate that the lightweight, volcanic stone was used to 
construct the vaults — an ingenious and appropriate structural innovation. 

The salaries and payments to the many carpenters, masons, workmen, and 
laborers are also recorded in detail. In this respect, it is worth noting that although 
the confraternity financed and oversaw the building process, the actual construc- 

26 Ibid., fol. 171 r. 

27 "Comenso esta portada al cuidado de D. Gabriel de Escorza Escalante en 30 abril del ano 
de 1 699 I se acabo 2 de junio de 1 706." 

28 This inscription led some scholars to mistakenly include Gabriel de Escorza among the 
possible architects of El Sagrario. For example, see Navarro, Guia artistica, p. 167. 

29 AHNQ Censos y Capellanias, caja 5, expte. 2, fol. 179v. "mal cocidos y pequefios y no 
sirven para la obra." 

30 Ibid., fol. 228r. ". . . por no cumplir con sus obligaciones." 

31 Ibid., fol. 67v. 

32 Ibid., fol. 277r. 

33 See for example, ibid., fol. 1 17v. 

A Major Confraternity Commission in Quito, Ecuador 1 1 

tion of the church was undertaken almost exclusively by native workers. Records 
of payment to the "albafiiles, indios y peones" (carpenters, Indians, and peons) 
dominate the accounts of expenditure, and specific names are rarely associated 
with these workers. The sculptural decoration of the facade and the interior of the 
church are also documented as the work of indigenous artists. Thus, like most 
colonial buildings, El Sagrario was designed and overseen by Spaniards, but was 
constructed and decorated by native artisans. 

By 1699, the construction of the church was well underway: the walls and 
pillars were in place, the vaults, dome, and cupolas were being erected, and the 
facade was initiated. The imposing size of the building and the rapidity with which 
it took shape must have impressed the civic authorities, for in this year the 
architect Ortiz appears for the first time in the documents as "arquitecto mayor 
nombrado por la ciudad" (master architect, named by the city), and is thereafter 
referred to as "Captain" Ortiz.^"^ The building also impressed local religious 
authorities, for just two years later, with the vaults and dome in place and the 
facade well underway, Ortiz was awarded the commission as architect of the 
church of the Monastery of La Merced.^^ He undertook this new construction 
while the Church of El Sagrario was still being completed. 

The overall design and expanse of the church of El Sagrario is impressive. 
It is a three-aisle, rectangular-plan church with massive interior pillars arranged 
in the form of a cross. The crossing is capped by a high dome with an ample 
lantern, and three smaller cupolas provide light for each of the side aisles. The 
massive dome is decorated on the interior with polychrome sculptural reUefs and 
elaborate mural paintings, and cartouches containing relief sculptures of the four 
evangelists adorn the pendentives. The interior is imposing in terms of the 
relationship of the soaring vaults to the relatively narrow width of the nave. The 
church contains an ample sacristy, a baptistery, ^^ and several offices, and six 
impressive Baroque altarpieces occupy the side aisles, leading the eye to the 
towering Baroque main altar that dominates the apse. One particularly spectacular 
feature of the church is the mampara, an elaborately carved, polychromed, and 
gilded inner portal, that was completed by the famed artist Bernardo de Legarda 
and others in 1747.^^ 

Perhaps the most impressive element of the church of El Sagrario is the 
commanding facade (fig. 1), which was constructed between 1699 and 1706 in a 
restrained Baroque style. The facade is divided into two stories that are separated 
by heavy projecting cornices, and is crowned by a dramatically projecting broken 
pediment. The lower story is supported by two groups of three Ionic columns that 
are balanced on the second story by equal groupings of shorter columns of the 
Corinthian order. Imposing stone sculptures of Saints Peter and Paul occupy high 

34 Ibid.,fol. 117r. 

35 Luis Octavio Proafio, La Merced, arte e historia (Quito: Rafael Rivadeneira Palacios, 
1989), p. 96. 

36 The present baptistery chapel is a later addition, constructed in 1769 (Navarro, Quia 
artistica, p. 169). 

37 Vargas, Patrimonio artistica, p. 319. 

12 Confratemitas 12:1 

positions to either side of the second story, and just below them stand sculptures 
personifying the virtues of Faith and Hope. 

The primary identity of the patron, however, is described within the vertical 
axis of the facade (figs. 1 and 3). On the lower level, the sculpted keystone of the 
portal depicts a cartouche containing two angels that support the sacramental 
chaUce. Personifying the confraternity's charitable role, the virtue of Charity in 
the traditional form of a maternal figure nurturing three infants appears in a large 
sculptural relief panel that is centered above the main portal.^^ A third indication 
of the confraternity's identity Hkely appeared directly above in the large niche set 
within the dramatic broken pediment that crowns the facade. As seen in early 
twentieth-century photographs, this niche may originally have held a large sculp- 
ture of a monstrance housing the Holy Sacrament.^^ Thus, the major devotional 
and charitable roles of the confraternity are publicly presented within the vertical 
axis of the facade. Additional sculptures once adorned the niches that occupy the 
spaces beside the column groupings on the lower level. Ornately carved planiform 
relief sculptures decorate all flat areas of the facade, incorporating grotesque 
masks within complex organic forms and strapwork. 

By 1714, the decoration of the interior of the church was nearing completion, 
and preparations were underway for the festivities to accompany its consecration 
and the official installation of the Holy Sacrament in the newly-constructed 
tabernacle. In the cabildo of 22 March 1714, the confraternity appointed several 
members to take charge of the ephemeral decorations of all the chapels, the 
sacramental plays {autos sacramentales) and fireworks displays that were to 
accompany the festivities."^^ The preparations were apparently extensive and were 
undertaken well in advance, for is not until 14 February 1715 that the church was 
consecrated, and the installation of the Holy Sacrament was appropriately delayed 
until the day of Corpus Christi of the same year."^^ The expenses incurred by the 
confraternity in the Corpus festivities that year were understandably far more 
extensive than they had been in the past. The libro de fdbrica permits us to 

38 The Ecuadorian art historian Jose Gabriel Navarro first identified the figures in this relief 
as "a group of angels" {La escultura en el Ecuador [Madrid: Antonio Marzo, 1929], p. 
125), and later as a "Nativity" scene {El arte en laprovincia de Quito [Mexico: Instituto 
Panamericano de Geografia e Historia, 1960], p. 47). Clearly, recognition of the patron 
of the church would have precluded such mis-identifications. 

39 A sculpted monstrance crowning the facade would clearly be the most appropriate image, 
and photographs from the early 1920s shows just such a sculpture located within this 
niche. For example, see Carlos de Gangotena y Jijon, Monografia ilustrada de la 
Provincia de Pichincha (Quito, 1922), n.p. Further supporting this notion is the fact that 
sculpted monstances adorn the uppermost levels of the facades of many Latin American 
Sagrario churches, including those at Mexico City and Bogota. 

40 AHNQ Censos y Capellanias, caja 5, expte. 2, fol. 266r-267r. It is worth noting in this 
regard, that the official elected to oversee the festivities {prioste) was the Count of Selva 
Florida, don Diego Ponce de Le6n Castillejo, a prominent member of the upper nobility 
whose election to the this position characterizes the nature of leadership in the 
Confraternity of the Most Holy Sacrament. 

41 Ibid., fol. 277r. 

A Major Confraternity Commission in Quito, Ecuador 1 3 

14 Confratemitas 12:1 

envision something of the nature of the celebration in the notation of expenditures 
for 10 pounds of incense, a wide range of fireworks, musicians, singers, and 
numerous, elaborate, newly-commissioned ecclesiastical vestments, chalices, 
and other sacred utensils."*^ Corpus Christi in Quito in 1715 must have been an 
impressive celebration to behold, as the Confraternity of the Most Holy Sacrament 
celebrated the culmination and savored the fruits of close to a century of its 
planning, labor, and determination embodied in the translation and installation of 
the Holy Sacrament in its impressive new Church of El Sagrario. 

At the time of the installation festivities, the confraternity had invested nearly 
a quarter of a century and more than 100,000 patacones in the construction and 
architectural decoration of the church (excluding the side altars, which were 
commissioned later). The three-aisle church was constructed with side altars in 
mind, for three cupolas run the length of each of the aisles, providing illumination 
for the large altarpieces that were eventually installed therein. Indeed, by the end 
of the eighteenth century. El Sagrario had become a haven for confraternities, as 
the brotherhoods of San Pedro, San Pablo, Nuestra Senora de la Presentacion, the 
Escuela de Cristo, the Benditas Animas, and Nuestra Senora de Copacabana, 
among others, constructed elaborate altarpieces of their own along the side aisles 
of the nave."^^ 

During the remainder of the colonial era. El Sagrario enjoyed a high status 
as one of the most prestigious and well-appointed churches in Quito. Numerous 
eighteenth-century chroniclers and travelers found it notable and praiseworthy. 
For example, Jorge Juan and Juan Antonio Ulloa, Spanish scientists who passed 
through Quito in the 1741, remarked that the Church of El Sagrario, "in addition 
to being very spacious, and [made] completely of Stone, is of beautiful Architec- 
ture, and the exterior is no less harmonious than the well designed interior," 
adding that it "is rich in all decorations, as much in Silver as in Textiles, and very 
costly Ornaments.'"*"^ In 1766, a previous governor of the Audiencia of Quito, 
Dionisio de Alsedo y Herrera, submitted a report to the Spanish Crown in which 
he placed the Church of El Sagrario on a par with the Cathedral itself. Alsedo y 
Herrera reported that in Quito there were 

so many monuments of true religion, and devout and Catholic magnificence, such 
as the greatest and most sumptuous temple of the Cathedral, [and] another 
contiguous church, with the name of the Chapel of El Sagrario, and two great 

42 Ibid., fols. 285r-285v. 

43 The remaining records in the Archive de la Iglesia del Sagrario (APSQ) document the 
presence of at least seven confraternities in El Sagrario in the eighteenth and nineteenth 
centuries, and others may also have been located there during this time. For anyone 
interested in pursuing research on these confraternities, ample registers and documents 
exist, most dating from the eighteenth century. 

44 Jorge Juan and Juan Antonio de Ulloa, Relacion historica del Viage a la America 
meridional (Madrid: Antonio Marin, 1748) Libro V, Cap. IV, pp. 354-55. "fuera de ser 
muy capaz, y toda de Piedra, tiene bella Arquitectura, y no es menos harmoniosa la 
exterior que bien distribuida la de adentro," [ ] "es rica en todos adomos, assi de Plata, 
como de Telas, y muy costosos Omamentos." 


A Major Confraternity Commission in Quito, Ecuador 1 5 

exterior doors and one interior [door] that connect them, so that they rival one 
another in the grandeur of the buildings and the services and adornments of their 
cults; and in the latter [El Sagrario], [there are] two resident priests with their 
assistants for the administration of the extensive parishioners of its most principal 
and distinguished citizens, that occupy the largest and most expansive part of the 
city center. "^^ 

Today, El Sagrario remains one of the most important and frequented historic 
churches in the old colonial centre of Quito; however, it should now be recognized 
not solely for its magnificent architecture, but also as a major monument to the 
reverence, dedication, and determination of its patron: the Quitenan Confraternity 
of the Most Holy Sacrament. 

University of St. Thomas 


AAQ Archivo del Arzobispado de Quito 

ACQ Archivo de la Catedral de Quito 

AHBCQ Archivo Historico del Banco Central, Quito 

AHNQ Archivo Historico Nacional, Quito 

APSQ Archivo de la Parroquia del Sagrario, Quito 

Published Sources 

Adas del Cabildo Colonial de San Francisco de Quito de 1664 a 1669. Quito: Archivo 

Municipal de Historia, 1995. 
Aleman A., Marcela, and Rita Diaz, Nidia Gomez, Lucia Galeas. Salvaguarda de la Catedral 

Primada de Quito. Quito: Instituto Nacional de Patrimonio Cultural, 1997. 
Bayon, Damian, and Murillo Marx. History of South American Colonial Art and Architecture. 

Barcelona: Ediciones Poligrafa, 1989. 
Descalci, Ricardo. La Real Audiencia de Quito: Claustro de los Andes. Vol. 1 . Barcelona: I. 

G. Seix y Barral Hermanos, 1978. 
. La Real Audiencia de Quito: Claustro de los Andes. Vol. 3. Quito: Editorial 

Universitaria, 1988. 
Estupinan Viteri, Tamara. Diccionario bdsico del comercio colonial quiteho. Quito: 

Ediciones del Banco Central del Ecuador, 1997. 
Gangotena y Jijon, Carlos de. Monografia ilustrada de la Provincia de Pichincha. Quito, 

Gento Sanz, Benjamin. Historia de la obra constructiva de San Francisco. Quito: Imprenta 

Municipal, 1942. 

45 Quoted in Ponce Leiva, ed., Relaciones Historico-Geogrdficas, H, p. 421. "tantos 
monumentos de veradera religion y magnificencia pia y cat61ica, como el mayor y mas 
sumptuoso templo de su Catedral, otra contigua iglesia, con el nombre de Capilla del 
Sagrario, y 2 grandes puertas exteriores y una interior para la comunicacion, en que se 
compiten la grandeza de los edificios y el sevicio y adomos del culto; y en la segunda, 
2 curas rectores con sus tenientes para la administracion en la dilatada feligresia de su 
mas principal y distinguido vecindario, que ocupa la mas grande y extendida parte del 
centro de la ciudad." 

16 Confratemitas 12:1 

Navarro, Jose Gabriel. La escultura en el Ecuador. Madrid: Antonio Marzo, 1929. 

. El arte en la provincia de Quito. Mexico: Instituto Panamericano de Geografia e 

Historia, 1960. 
. Guia artistica de Quito. Quito: La Prensa Catolica, 1961. 

Proano, Luis Octavio. La Merced, arte e historia. Quito: Rafael Rivadeneira Palacios, 1989. 
Ponce Leiva, Pilar, ed. Relaciones Historico-Geogrdficas de la Audiencia de Quito. 2 vols. 

Quito: MARKA and Ediciones Abya-Yala, 1992. 
. Certezas ante el incertidumbre: Elite y cabildo de Quito en el siglo XVII. Quito: 

Abya-Yala, 1998. 
Stevenson, W. B. Historical and Descriptive Narrative of Twenty Years' Residence in South 

America. 3 vols. London: Longman, Rees, Brown and Green, 1804. 
Ulloa, Jorge Juan, and Juan Antonio de. Relacion historica del Viage a la America meridional. 

Madrid: Antonio Marin, 1748. 
Vargas, Jose Maria. Patrimonio artistico ecuatoriano. Quito: Editorial Santo Domingo, 1972. 
Vargas, Jose Maria, et al. Arte de Ecuador, sighs XVIII-XIX. Quito: Salvat Editores Ecuatori- 

ana, 1977. 
Vargas, Jose Maria, et al. Arte colonial de Ecuador, siglos XVI-XVII. Quito: Salvat Editores 

Ecuatoriana, 1985. 

Confraternities and Brotherhoods in Spain, 


European scholars concerned with the history of confraternities and brotherhoods 
have noted the "universahty of the confratemal phenomenon" that assumed 
"massive proportions in the West between the fourteenth and sixteenth centu- 
ries."^ Although confraternities (cofradias) and brotherhoods (hermandades) 
were founded in the Hispanic kingdoms during the thirteenth and fourteenth 
centuries, their greatest expansion occurred during the late fifteenth and sixteenth 
centuries. In Seville, for example, devotional confraternities focusing on the 
Passion of Christ were rare until the fifteenth century when they were founded in 
increasing numbers. In the Old Castilian city of Zamora, only ten confraternities 
and brotherhoods had been estabhshed by 1400. By the second half of the 
sixteenth century, 150 were in existence. 

How many confraternities and brotherhoods existed within the Hispanic 
kingdoms during the early modern period is a difficult question to answer because 
of the absence of reliable statistics until the later eighteenth century. In a pion- 
eering study published in 1944, Antonio Rumeu de Armas estimated their number 
at 20,000 toward the close of the seventeenth century.^ In 1771, the alleged abuses 
of confraternities and brotherhoods, especially in financial matters, led the Coun- 
cil of Castile, the official body responsible for the kingdom's internal govern- 
ment, to order a general enquiry into their number and condition. This reasonably 
accurate survey reported the existence of 25,038: 19,024 were in territory of the 
old kingdom of Castile; 6,557 in the former realms of the Crown of Aragon.^ If 
the estimate of Rumeu de Armas is accepted, the 1771 statistics suggest a 

1 This is a revised version of a paper, "Las cofradias y hermandades de Espana y su papel 
social y religioso dentro de una sociedad de estamentos," published in Cofradias, 
capellanias y obras pias en la America colonial, eds. P. Martinez L6pez-Cano, et al. 
(Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico; Mexico City, 1998), pp. 35^8. 

2 Jose Sanchez Herrero, "Las cofradias de Semana Santa de Sevilla durante la modemidad, 
siglos XV a XVn," in Rafael Sanchez Mantero, et al.. Las cofradias de Sevilla en la 
modemidad (SQ\i\\e, 1988), pp. 46, 52. 

3 Maureen Flynn, Sacred Charity: Confraternities and Social Welfare in Spain, 
1 400-] 700 (IthsiCSi, 1989), pp. 15-16. 

4 Antonio Rumeu de Armas, Historia de la prevision social en Espana: cofradias, gremios, 
hermandades, montepios (Madrid, 1944), p. 200. 

5 Flynn, Sacred Charity, pp. 138-39. 

6 A study of the southem city of C^diz concluded that after the decade of the 1 690s, when 
five new confraternities were established, "the movement to found confraternities 
declined nearly completely during the eighteenth century." Arturo Morado Garcia, 
Iglesia y sociedad en el Cadiz del siglo XVIII (Cddiz, 1989), p. 207. 


1 8 Confratemitas 12:1 

remarkable increase in the number of confraternities and brotherhoods between 
the end of the seventeenth century and the later eighteenth century. But there is 
little reliable evidence to confirm that such an expansion occurred. Scholars have 
generally taken the contrary view that the number and vitality of these institutions 
were declining during the eighteenth century.^ In Zamora, their number fell from 
150 during the sixteenth century to 113 by 1771. Nonetheless, there is some 
evidence that in certain regions, particularly Granada, the number of confraternit- 
ies and brotherhoods, especially those connected to parishes, increased signifi- 
cantly during the eighteenth century.^ 

More research will be necessary to establish with precision the rise and 
decline of these institutions over time. Studies carried out for a number of cities 
suggest that the number of confraternities and brotherhoods in the Hispanic 
kingdoms was larger than elsewhere in Catholic Europe. The city of Toledo, with 
a population of approximately 40,000 during the sixteenth century, possessed 
147, while the city of Zamora had 150 in a population of 8,600.^ By comparison, 
sixteenth-century Florence possessed seventy-five confraternities in a population 
of 59,000, a pattern observed elsewhere in cities such as Lyons and, before the 
Reformation, in Lubeck and Hamburg. ^^ The reasons behind the extraordinary 
popularity of confraternities and brotherhoods in the Hispanic kingdoms cannot 
yet be established, however, in view of the current state of research on the topic. 

There are also several general considerations that should be taken into 
account in the study of Spanish confraternities and brotherhoods. The 1771 survey 
shows that there were significant regional differences in their distribution. In 
terms of the relation of the number of these institutions to population, they were 
dense in the provinces of Old Castile and Leon, especially in Zamora, Toro, 
Valladolid and Palencia. They were less numerous in southern Spain with the 
provinces of Seville, Valencia and Extremadura standing at the bottom of the Hst, 
although some northern regions, particularly Asturias, Vizcaya and Catalonia, 
approximated the southern pattern. ^^ As yet there has been no satisfactory 
explanation for this distribution. Although confraternities and brotherhoods were 

7 Miguel Luis Lopez Munoz, Las cofradias de la parroquia de Santa Maria de Granada 
en los siglos XVIlyXVIll (Granada, 1992), p. 22. 

8 William Christian, Local Religion in Sixteenth-Century Spain (Princeton, 1 98 1 ), p. 1 49; 
Flynn, Sacred Charity, p. 1 6. 

9 Flynn, Sacred Charity, p. 17. 

10 Flynn, Sacred Charity, p. 139. 

1 1 According to the census of 1787, the proportion of priests with pastoral responsibilities 
was lowest in the south: Andalucia, 1:1,297; C6rdoba, 1:1,343; Valencia, 1:1,069 in 
contrast to Burgos, 1:238; Leon, 1:171; Valladolid, 1:315. Juan Saez Marin, "Estado del 
ciero secular con cura de almas segun datos del censo de 1787," Datos sobre la Iglesia 
espanola contempordnea, 1768-1868 (Madrid, 1975), p. 293. Similar differences in 
distribution have been noted in the Normandy region of France. Confraternities were 
numerous in Rouen and Fecamp, less so in other parts of Normandy. According to Vauchez, 
these differences remain "largely unexplained" given the present state of research. Andr6 
Vauchez, Le Mouvement confratemel au Moyen Age (Paris, 1987) p. 398. 

Confraternities and Brotherhoods in Spain, 1500-1800 19 

numerous in the cities of the south, especially Seville, they were weakly repre- 
sented in the large rural towns characteristic of the region. This may have reflected 
settlement patterns where landless day laborers living in desperate economic 
conditions formed the bulk of local populations in contrast to the small peasant 
villages of Old Castile and elsewhere in the north where stronger community links 
had developed. It also may also reflect the weak institutional organization of the 
Church in the south where parishes were substantially larger and less well-staffed 
than in northern regions. ^^ This explanation does not explain, however, why the 
density of confraternities and brotherhoods was low in the peasant districts of 
Asturias and Vizcaya where parish populations were small and the parochial 
clergy numerous. 

There has been a tendency for scholars to emphasize the confraternity as a 
primarily urban phenomenon, a reflection, perhaps, of their early development in 
Italy where they formed an essential part of civic and urban life. In the Hispanic 
kingdoms, however, these institutions were equally important in the religious and 
social life of the small village. Pastoral visitations carried out by the bishops of 
Cuenca during the sixteenth century found that "nearly every community had at 
least one brotherhood," even small villages of 500 inhabitants. A similar pattern 
prevailed in villages around Toledo during the late sixteenth century. Indeed, in 
one small town membership was made obligatory for all the inhabitants.^^ 

Interpretations of confraternities throughout Catholic Europe have stressed 
their collective character as organizations linked to community life. The confra- 
ternity, declared Bartolome Bennassar in his magisterial study of sixteenth-cen- 
tury Valladohd, "was one of the most valuable organizations" in the social life of 
the local population. ^^ Although the collective manifestations of piety and charity 
associated with confraternities were often impressive, the question of individual 
motivations is less easily answered. In cities where they were numerous, it was 
common in Catholic Europe for individuals to belong to more than one.^^ This 
pattern also prevailed in Spain. In Zamora, for example, some individuals 
belonged to six or seven confraternities/brotherhoods at the same time.^^ Andre 
Vauchez has argued that multiple memberships had the effect of diluting the 
commitment of many members. He maintains that it is important to distinguish 
between those who spread their pious activities over several confraternities and 
the "permanent cadre" who devoted their time and energy to the work of a single 
institution. At a broader level, a scholar who has studied the confraternities of 

12 Sara T. Nalle, God in La Mancha: Religious Reform and the People of Cuenca, 
1500-1650 (Baltimore, London, 1992), p. 161; Christian, Local Religion in 
Sixteenth-Century Spain, p. 52. 

1 3 Bartolome Bennassar, Valladolid en el sigh de oro: una ciudad de Castilla y su entorno 
agrario en el sigh XVI (Valladolid, 1983), p. 390. 

14 Vauchez has noted that in Normandy and Germany, the "plurality of memberships was 
frequent everywhere. Le mouvement confraternel, p. 400. 

15 Flynn, Sacred Charity, p. 23. 

1 6 John Henderson, Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence (Oxford, 1 994), p. 4 1 2. 

20 Confratemitas 12:1 

medieval Florence has cautioned against seeing participation as inspired by a 
single cause. Members "shared a wide range of motivations from genuine devo- 
tion to the desire to make professional contacts and to guarantee a basic form of 
social insurance." ^^ 

A problem faced by historians of confraternities and brotherhoods is how 
to classify them. Rumeu de Armas suggested that there were three distinct types: 
(1) the devotional confraternity that was purely religious in purpose without any 
involvement in either charitable activities or the provision of social assistance to 
its members; (2) the professional confraternity that served the religious needs and 
occupational interests of specific professions and artisan trades; (3) the confra- 
ternity devoted to providing social assistance to both its members and the poor 
{hermandad de socorro)}^ This is too simple a classification. The line separating 
purely religious and charitable activities was never rigid. Maureen Flynn's study 
of the confraternities and brotherhoods of Zamora estabhshes, for example that 
in one form or another, most, whatever their social composition and primary 
purpose, provided help both to their own members and the poor, a pattern that 
also prevailed in Seville. ^^ 

The classification of Rumeu de Armas also pays insufficient attention to the 
development in urban areas of highly specialized confraternities and brotherhoods 
which, although inspired by religious motives, focused their energies neither on 
devotional activities nor on the provision of assistance to their members but on 
helping the poor. The most important charitable brotherhood in Madrid during 
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Santa y Real Hermandad del Refugio 
y Piedad, was in many respect a primitive version of a modem social agency rather 
than a traditional confraternity engaged primarily in devotion while offering 
financial assistance to its members.^^ Similarly, the Real Hermandad de Nuestra 
Senora de la Esperanza, founded in Madrid in 1734, was estabhshed less to serve 
the religious and social needs of its members than "to do good and say Masses 
for the conversion of those in mortal sin" primarily through an ambitious program 
of dowries for poor women and the maintenance of a shelter for those who wished 
"to withdraw from their evil life and the world."^^ 

In his study of parish confraternities and brotherhoods in Granada, Miguel 
Luis Lopez Mufioz maintains that no single model of classification can be applied 
to these institutions.. He believes that historians must establish classifications in 

1 7 Rumeu de Armas, Historia de la previon social, pp. 199-212. 

1 8 Flynn, Sacred Charity, pp. 44-69; Sanchez Herrero, "Las cofradias de Semana Santa de 
Sevilla," pp. 74-75. 

19 Through a variety of charitable exercises, for which careful records were kept, the 
Hermandad assisted 610,208 persons during the eighteenth century. William J. Callahan, 
La Santa y Real Hermandad del Refugio y Piedad de Madrid, 1618-1832 (Madrid, 1 979), 
p. 106. 

20 Constituciones de la Real Hermandad de Nuestra Senora de la Esperanza y Santo Zelo 
de la Sahacion de Almas (Madrid, 1752), introduction. 

2 1 L6pez Munoz, Lms cofradias de Santa Maria Magdalena, pp. 136-38. 

Confraternities and Brotherhoods in Spain, 1500-1800 2 1 

the light of the specific questions for which they are seeking answers. He suggests 
one model based on the sociology of membership that divides confraternities into 
three types: (1) whether or not they limited the number of members, the "open" 
versus the "closed" confraternity; (2) to what extent did an individual confrater- 
nity form a cohesive group in relation to the social condition or occupation of its 
members; (3) to what extent did the members identify their activities with their 
own group, their neighborhood, the entire city or the kingdom as a whole. Lopez 
Mufioz also suggests alternative models. For example, confraternities could also 
be classified: (1) by location, whether in cathedral, parish church, hospital or 
convent; (2) by their activities. Were they purely devotional in purpose or did 
they have the broader objective of assisting their members and providing aid to 
the poor? He believes that these and other models are useful for the historian, 
although he cautions against using any of them rigidly in view of the enormous 
variety and complexity of confraternities and brotherhoods.^^ 

This complexity was marked in the Hispanic kingdoms, both in the Old 
World and the New, because there was never a universal institution such as the 
Santa Casa de Misericordia established throughout Portugal and its overseas 
empire, whether in Lisbon, Brazil or Goa. The Hermandad del Refugio, given its 
location in Madrid, its aristocratic membership and its connection to the royal 
court, pretended to this status. In 1655, it invited the delegates present in the city 
for the parhament of Castile to attend its meetings in the hope that "they would 
dedicate themselves to its holy exercises and establish brotherhoods in their 
respective cities." In the same year, the Hermandad wrote to King Philip IV asking 
him to urge bishops and provincial governors to promote the foundation of 
brotherhoods in their jurisdictions. These efforts produced few results. Only 
twelve Hermandades del Refugio were established outside of Madrid. Most did 
not survive for long.-^^ Efforts to found the institution in the New World proved 
even less successful. During the early 1650s, the Madrid brotherhood sent a copy 
of its statutes to the authorities of the silver mining town of Potosi in the 
viceroyalty of Peru, but nothing came of this initiative. Over a century later, the 
brotherhood wrote to the viceroy of New Spain (Mexico) urging him to promote 
the institution within his jurisdiction, but again with no result.^"^ 

That an institution located in the centre of the empire with connections to the 
royal court and the aristocracy failed in its efforts to become imperial in extension 
suggest that it was impossible to overcome one of the essential characteristics of 
Hispanic confraternities and brotherhoods, their intensely local character. They 
were important examples of what William Christian has called "local religion" 
based on town and village communities, each with its own patron saints and 
religious associations.^^ 

22 Callahan, La Santa y Real Hermandad del Refugio, pp. 6 1-62. 

23 Archivo de la Santa y Real Hermandad del Refugio, legajo 132, expediente 6. 

24 William Christian, Lx)cal Religion in Sixteenth-Century Spain, p. 149. 

25 Flynn, Sacred Charity, p. 34. 

22 Confratemitas 12:1 

In most cases, the foundation of confraternities and brotherhoods arose from 
the initiative of the laity rather than the clergy, prime examples of the lay piety 
that began to flourish in late medieval Europe. This piety developed largely on 
its own uncontrolled by either local bishops or the pope, both of whom regarded 
its manifestations with some suspicion. In Zamora, for example, confraternities 
and brotherhoods limited the participation of priests, thereby creating what 
Maureen Flynn has described as "a system of lay piety" relatively free of 
ecclesiastical intervention.^^ As early as 1536, the archbishop of Toledo declared 
that no new confraternity or brotherhood could be established without the permis- 
sion of the ecclesiastical authorities on the grounds that the excessive number of 
such associations was causing harm to the Church. In a report submitted to the 
Council of Trent, Juan de Avila called either for their suppression or a thorough 
reform to place them completely under ecclesiastical jurisdiction.^^ The Council 
did not go this far, but in its last session of 1 562- 1 563, it approved new regulations 
attempting to reduce the autonomy of confraternities in favour of episcopal 
authority. In 1604, Pope Clement VIII issued the bull Quaecumque which gave 
the bishops even greater jurisdiction over these institutions. 

To what extent these attempts to control exuberant lay piety affected the 
confraternities and brotherhoods of the Hispanic kingdoms is unclear in spite of 
the efforts of Philip II to implement the decrees of Trent. The Church promoted 
the foundation of a new kind of confraternity in accord with theology reaffirming 
the sacrament of the Eucharist against Protestant criticism. As a result, con- 
fraternities and brotherhoods committed to devotion to the Holy Sacrament, the 
Holy Name of Jesus and the teaching of Christian doctrine multiplied. After 1575 
in Cuenca, for example, there were determined efforts to promote the establish- 
ment of confraternities committed to realizing the goal of Trent by deepening 
personal piety in a way fundamentally different from that of the traditional 
confraternity.^^ This attempt to redefine the confraternity according to the objec- 
tives of the Council of Trent enjoyed only limited success. Episcopal attempts to 
limit or eliminate flagellation during Holy Week processions by the so-called 
"confraternities of blood" during the sixteenth century proved a failure. In fact, 
in Seville the number of such penitential confraternities increased significantly 
during and following the Council of Trent.^^ 

The resiliency of traditional confraternities and brotherhoods developed 
from their connection to local religious cultures. It also reflected a fact noted by 
scholars who have studied specific cities and regions, the strongly popular 

26 Christian, Local Religion in Sixteenth-Century Spain, pp. 167-68. 

27 Flynn, Sacred Charity, pp. 122-24. Nalle has argued persuasively that confraternities 
dedicated to the Holy Name of Jesus were connected to the Church's objective of 
standardizing and reinforcing the faith." "New devotions compatible with the post- 
Tridentine Church had come to the fore." God in La Mancha, p. 161. 

28 Nalie, God in La Mancha, p. 1 32; Sanchez Herrero, "Las cofradias de Semana Santa de 
Sevilla," pp. 71-72. 

29 Sanchez Herrero, "Las cofradias de Semana Santa de Sevilla," p. 73. 

Confraternities and Brotherhoods in Spain, 1500-1800 23 

character of membership. There were, of course, some associations that limited 
membership to the nobility or clergy, but in most cases members were recruited 
from the popular classes. This was obviously true in the case of peasant villages 
where only one or two confraternities existed, but it also prevailed in the cities, 
at least during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. In Seville, "all the con- 
fraternities were nourished in their origins by the popular classes."^^ In Zamora, 
more than 100 of the city's 150 confraternities and brotherhoods recruited from 
among artisans, the middle class and even the poor. Membership fees were 
extremely low, thereby allowing individuals of limited means to join. The vast 
majority of the city's confraternities did not enquire too closely into the social 
background of candidates other than to demand that they should be of good moral 
conduct. They readily admitted candidates who, although Christian, were des- 
cended from Jews or Muslims. This stood in stark contrast to the practice common 
to numerous civil and ecclesiastical institutions in early modem Spain of exclud- 
ing such converses by requiring proof of "purity of blood" {limpieza de sangre) 
as a condition of membership.^ ^ It is also striking that in Zamora, Cuenca, Seville 
and Valladolid membership in most cases was open to women. In Cuenca, for 
example, 62% of men and 40% of women belonged to at least one confraternity 
or brotherhood.^^ 

The popular character of confraternities in general did not mean that social 
differences were absent from their organizational framework, but studies of 
Zamora, Toledo and Cuenca show that differences in their social composition 
primarily reflected urban settlement patterns rather than a conscious attempt to 
organize along class lines. In Cuenca, membership was largely determined by 
where an individual lived. In parishes where artisans were numerous, they 
predominated in confraternity membership, as did nobles in parishes with a high 
proportion of the nobility. Even here, however, there was no rigid class separation. 
Membership in the city's most exclusive confraternity, Nuestra Senora de la 
Soledad, was dominated by the nobility but, even so, 16% of its members came 
from the popular classes. A similar pattern prevailed in Toledo. In Zamora, the 
density of confraternities was highest in neighbourhoods where nobles and 
artisans lived, a situation reversed in Cuenca where the parish of San Salvador, 
"a solid bourgeois section of the city, was perhaps the stronghold of confraternal 
participation."^^ These examples suggest that analysis of local settlement patterns 
is indispensable for the study of the development of confraternities and brother- 

30 Flynn, Sacred Charity, p. 23. 

31 Nalle, God in La Mancha, p. 165; Flynn, Sacred Charity, p. 23; Sanchez Herrero, "Las 
cofradias de Semana Santa de Sevilla," p. 73; Bennassar, Valladolid en el siglo de oro, 
p. 390. 

32 Nalle, God in La Mancha, pp. 163-64; Christian, Local Religion in Sixteenth-Century 
Spain, pp. 149-50; Flynn, Sacred Charity, p. 23. 

33 Nalle, God in La Mancha, p. 163. 

24 Confratemitas 12:1 

Studies of Hispanic confraternities and brotherhoods also show that they 
were constantly evolving and changing. In Cuenca, those concerned with the 
administration of hospitals were in full decline by the end of the sixteenth century 
as a result of a crisis in the city's economy, a development that affected other 
traditional confraternities during the following century. Other confraternities and 
brotherhoods, however, and especially those of the Holy Sacrament inspired by 
the Council of Trent, were on the rise.^^ In Seville, the austere penitential 
confraternities of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries gave way after 
1570 to the "baroque confraternity" in which simplicity yielded to splendor 
manifested in the construction of costly statues for Holy Week processions and a 
variety of social activities "not in accord with the contemplation and imitation of 
the Passion of Christ. "^^ 

Criticism of these associations was common during the sixteenth and seven- 
teenth centuries, but it was only in the age of enlightened absolutism during the 
eighteenth century that they were exposed to withering attack by the ministers of 
the Crown. The extensive documentation of the Council of Castile examined by 
Milagros Romero Samper shows that royal concerns were moved by several 
considerations. First, in an era of expanding royal authority, the government was 
determined to exercise absolute control over confraternities and brotherhoods. In 
1763, the Council of Castile declared that "everything related to their . . . admin- 
istration ... is exclusive to Royal Authority. "^^ Second, government officials 
beUeved that many confraternities and brotherhoods were spending their funds 
on litigation, costly ceremonies and social activities. In 1769, the Crown attorney 
of the Council of Castile, Pedro Rodriguez de Campomanes, complained that they 
were spending excessive amounts on "ruinous excesses" that "diminished the 
devotion of the faithful to the spirit of the gospels and the tradition of the 
Church. ^^ Third, the royal administration, influenced to a limited extent by 
Jansenist currents, saw the devotional activities of the confraternities as opposed 
to its efforts to eradicate superstition in favor of a simple, austere Christianity. 
As early as 1763, Campomanes demanded an enquiry into their devotional 
practices to determine "if in their rehgious exercises, superstition or some other 
activity ... contrary to Religion is to be found. "^^ After receiving a complaint from 
the bishop of Ciudad Rodrigo about the abuses of confraternities, in 1768 the 
Council of Castile ordered royal officials throughout the realm to gather informa- 
tion about the number of confraternities and their activities. The information 

34 Sanchez Herrero, "Las cofradias de Semana Santa de Sevilla,", p. 79. 

35 Mi lagros Romero Samper, Las cofradias en el reformismo de Carlos III (Madrid, 1 99 1 ), 
p. 50. 

36 Milagros Romero Samper, Las cofradias en el reformismo de Carlos ///, p. 67. 

37 Milagros Romero Samper, Las cofradias en el reformismo de Carlos III, p. 98. 

38 The Hermandad del Refugio of Madrid, for example, lost half of its property between 
1 805 and 1 807, while its income collapsed during the war against the French. Callahan, 
La Santa y Real Hermandad del Refugio y Piedad, pp. 1 55, 1 62. 

Confraternities and Brotherhoods in Spain, 1500-1800 25 

received formed the basis of the survey, completed in 1771, which prepared the 
ground for a thorough reform of the confratemal system. 

It required more than a decade, however, for the Council to produce a law of 
general reform through a Royal Resolution of 17 March 1784. It suppressed all 
confraternities that were not primarily religious or charitable in purpose. It 
ordered the elimination of those that had not received formal government approval 
at their foundation or that had been authorized only by ecclesiastical authorities. 
Surviving confraternities and brotherhoods were ordered to draft new statutes for 
submission to the Council. Bourbon regahsm and centralism had little sympathy 
for popular forms of religious devotion expressed autonomously by confraternit- 
ies. The vision promoted by enlightened absolutists and their episcopal allies left 
no room for an institution formed in different times and circumstances. Their 
commitment to what has been called "Enlightened Catholicism" offered a view 
of religious devotion fundamentally hostile to the exuberant baroque piety of the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 

The 1784 reform was implemented only in an episodic way, but it marked 
the beginning of the end of the confratemal system. In 1798, many confraternities 
faced the loss of a significant proportion of their property as a result of the 
disentailment ordered by Godoy. Their financial situation deteriorated further 
during the prolonged period of economic crisis that began in the 1790s and 
continued through the disruptive years of the Napoleonic intervention.^^ In 1 841 , 
the liberal government of General Espartero dealt the final blow by ordering the 
sale of the remaining property of confraternities and brotherhoods with the 
proceeds to be used to reduce the national debt. Some confraternities and broth- 
erhoods survived, of course, as any visitor to Spain during Holy Week knows, but 
they were now voluntary associations of private citizens dependent on the contri- 
butions of their members. Finally, it is worth noting that the number of these 
institutions in Hapsburg and Bourbon Spain marked the high point of Spanish 
Catholicism's associational activity. The number of Catholic associations of all 
kinds recorded by the Ministry of Justice during the 1990s was 10,000, less than 
half the number recorded in the 1771 survey in a population far smaller than in 
present day Spain. 

William J. Callahan 
University of Toronto 

39 Rafael Diaz Salazar, "La institucion eclesial en la sociedad civil espafiola," Religion y 
sociedad en Espana (Madrid, 1993), p. 292. 


Our correspondent and colleague Giovanna Casagrande informs us that on 4 
September 2000, the Council of the "Deputazione di Storia Patria per TUmbria" 
(Perugia) deliberated to resurrect the Centre di Documentazione sul 
Movimento dei Disciplinati that had been founded several decades ago but had 
fallen into inactivity at the passing of its founder, Fr. UgoHno Nicolini. In 
particular, the Council of the Deputazione decided: 

1 . to keep the Centre open to visitors at least once a week (Fridays, 6-8 pm) 
at its location on Via Pidiani 11, Palazzo della Penna, (next to the Deputazione 
di Storia Patria); 

2. to publish, within the Bollettino della Deputazione di Storia Patria per 
VUmbria, a special section dedicated to the movement of the Disciplinati (in 
particular, articles and reviews); 

3. to re-activate the series Quaderni del Centro and devote it, above all, to 
previously unpublished sources. A volume is currently underway containing 
contributions by Thomas Frank and Francesco Santucci on the confraternity of 
St Francis of Assisi, and by Giovanna Casagrande and Claudia Ercoli on the 
confraternity of the Most Holy Crucifix in Gubbio; 

4. to edit, together with the Accademia Properziana del Subasio (Assisi) a 
joint publication on the confraternity of St Stephen in Assisi. 

The scholars entrusted by the Council of the Deputazione with the reactiva- 
tion of the Centre are now sifting through and putting order to the materials 
collected in the previous decades, especially in the 1960s-70s. These materials 
include hsts of members of various flagellant confraternities; a bibliographical 
catalogue divided into sections for statutes, matriculation lists, lauds and laudari, 
devotional and liturgical books, iconography and artworks, musical composi- 
tions, documents and various works; iconographic materials; microfilms of stat- 
utes, matriculation lists, and various other documents. All these materials deal 
exclusively with Italian flagellant confraternities from the 13^^ to the 19^^ century. 

The colleagues in Perugia will shortly mail to interested colleagues a cata- 
logue of the Quaderni still in print in the hope of initiating, in this way, 
collaboration with other colleagues. If any of our readers are interested in the 
work of the Centre or in its publications, please contact the Centre at: Centro di 
Studi per il Movimento dei Disciplinati, c/o Deputazione di Storia Patria per 
rUmbria, C.P. 130, 06100 Perugia, Italy. The Deputazione's telephone and fax 
is (075) 572-7057 and its email 

The Society for Confraternity Studies is sponsoring three sessions on confraternit- 
ies at the Sixteenth Century Studies Conference to be held in Denver, Colorado, 
this coming 25-28 October. 

The first session examines Marriage and Charity: Accessing Dowries in 
Early Modern Italy. It is organized by Nicholas Terpstra and consists of the 
following presentations: David D' Andrea (University of Oklahoma) speaking on 


News 27 

"Spouses or Spinsters: The Support and Training of Abandoned Girls in Renais- 
sance Treviso"; Mauro Carboni (Universita di Bologna) "Financing Marriages: 
Dotal Strategies in Bologna in the Age of Catholic Reform"; and Nicholas 
Terpstra (University of Toronto) "Dowries Earned and Dowries Given: Financing 
Dowries in the Conservatories of Early Modern Florence and Bologna." 

The second session, Confraternities and Music in Early Modern Italy and 
Spain, is organized by Lance Lazar, and consists of the following presentations: 
Noel O'Regan (University of Edinburgh) on "Music at the Roman 
Archconfraternity of the Gonfalone during the First Half of the Sixteenth Cen- 
tury" and Rosa Sanz Hermida (Universidad de Valladolid) with MariaTeresa 
Ferrer Ballester (Universidad de Valladolid) on "Music and the Congregation of 
the Oratory in Early Modern Spain". 

The third session, also organized by Lance Lazar, will focus on Confraternit- 
ies and Enculturation in Early Modern Europe and the New World and will 
include: Phillip J. Earenfight (Juniata College Museum of Art) on "Florence and 
the Misericordia: Maintaining a Pictorial Tradition on the Piazza San Giovanni 
in the Sixteenth Century"; Ehzabeth Kiddy (Kenyon College) on "Devotional 
Confraternities for Africans in Portugal and Brazil"; and Lance Lazar (University 
of North Carolina at Chapel Hill) on "Forced Conversion and the Family in Early 
Modem Italy: The Houses for Catechumens." 

The abstracts for these presentations at Denver are as follows: 

David D'Andrea (University of Oklahoma) "Spouses or Spinsters: The Sup- 
port and Training of Abandoned Girls in Renaissance Treviso." Unwanted or 
orphaned girls in Renaissance Treviso were placed into the care of the city's 
foundling home, a charitable institution administered by the city's largest confra- 
ternity. In order to reintegrate their wards back into society, the confraternity 
provided the girls with a respectable upbringing, useful skills, and an attractive 
dowry for prospective suitors. The upbringing of the girls was entrusted to house 
mothers, women of good morals who would provide sound moral guidance. All 
of the girls in the care of the home also learned to sew, a constructive pastime 
that both taught the young women an important skill and contributed to the 
maintenance of the home. Young women did not leave the custodianship of the 
confraternity, however, until they had found either employment or a husband. All 
of the employment contracts, almost exclusively for domestic service, stipulated 
that the employer would provide a suitable dowry at the termination of service. 
This paper will examine the institutional structure in which some young women 
were fortunate enough to marry respectably and others spent their hves in a 
semi-cloistered world of supervision and work. 

Mauro Carboni (University of Bologna) "Financing Marriages: Dotal Strat- 
egies in Bologna in the Age of Catholic Reform." As Catholic reformers 
directed their efforts at disciplining family formation, the need to provide dotal 
relief to alleviate the cost of marriage became ever more pressing. For women 
access to a dowry was the most significant factor leading to a respectable position 
in society. But dowries were crucially linked to the preservation of family honour 

28 Confratemitas 12:1 

and to the possibility of arranging marriage alliances with peers as well. This 
essay will argue that in Bologna the cultural shift brought about by Tridentine 
reformers was marked by the widespread adoption of innovative forms of dowry 
financing and planning to help fathers to reduce the actual cost of dowering young 
women at all levels of society. Well-to-do families could and did invest in safe 
and lucrative city-bonds on behalf of their female offspring. Families with modest 
means at their disposal opted for long-term, interest-carrying deposits at the local 
Monte del matrimonio, a dowry fund specifically tailored to suit their needs. 
Maidens from poor and destitute families had to rely on charitable handouts, but 
then it was the charitable funds dispensing dowries that were able to exploit the 
variety of financial venues available to local investors, either buying city-bonds 
or placing deposits at the Monte on behalf of perspective beneficiaries. 

Nicholas Terpstra (University of Toronto) "Dowries Earned and Dowries 
Given: Financing Dowries in the Conservatories of Early Modern Florence 
and Bologna." Although relatively few of the girls entering an early modern 
conservatory left it on the arm of a husband, marriage was the critical reality that 
lay behind care for orphaned and abandoned girls in the conservatories of 
sixteenth century Florence and Bologna. Some sheltered girls in order to protect 
their sexual honour and, with it, their chances of a marriage. Others sheltered girls 
who were too old, too ill, or too poor to marry. Most homes saw arranging 
marriages as part of their duty when acting in loco parentis to the girls, and so 
raised funds for charitable dowries or found work opportunities that would allow 
the girls to earn their own dowries over a period of years. While there were charges 
that some families had deliberately abandoned their daughters to certain homes 
in order to make them eligible for the charitable dowries offered there, in many 
instances relatives actually supplemented a girl's funds in order to help the home 
find a husband for her. This presentation will compare the dotal politics of five 
conservatories in Florence and four in Bologna, with a focus on the distinct 
strategies by which dotal funds were raised and distributed, and how those funds 
figured into the recruitment of girls into the home, and into the work that they 
were put to once in they arrived. Comparing dotal policies allows us better to 
understand some of the class differences between different homes, and the role 
each was expected to play in the city's broader social welfare net. Though each 
home was independent, and in the care of a particular confraternity, there was a 
tacit co-operation between them on matters of recruitment and the eventual 
release of orphaned and abandoned girls. 

Noel O'Regan (University of Edinburgh). "Music at the Roman Archcon- 
fraternity of the Gonfalone during the First Half of the Sixteenth Century." 

Lack of archival evidence has long hampered our understanding of the role played 
by music in the ritual life of Roman institutions during the first half of the 16th 
century. Patchy for the Cappella Pontificia and the Cappella Giulia in St. Peter's, 
it has been virtually non-existent for other institutions. The archive of the 
Archconfraternity of the Gonfalone is substantially complete from 1486 onwards: 
this was the year of its foundation out of a merger of some of the oldest of the 

News 29 

city's lay companies, each with its own liturgical and devotional background. The 
archive reveals a flourishing musical life, a regular choir (from 1517 to 1534, 
surviving the depredations of the Sack of Rome in 1527), payments for copying 
specified genres of music, and the widespread use of music to accompany the 
Sacra Rappresentazione of the Passion and other Holy Week devotions. This 
paper will survey musical provision at the archconfratemity from 1486 to 1550, 
highlighting areas of wider significance for the city's devotional reawakening in 
the early sixteenth century, well before that brought about in the aftermath of the 
Council of Trent. 

Rosa Sanz Hermida (Universidad de Valladolid) and MariaTeresa Ferrer 
Ballester (Universidad de Valladolid) "Music and the Congregation of the 
Oratory in Early Modern Spain." The congregation of Saint Philip Neri, 
although known as Oratorians or Philipini, favoured a series of devotional 
practices whose words and music were utilized to impart Christian doctrine to the 
faithful, whatever the social and cultural class of the listeners, and to move their 
hearts toward God. The musical activity that developed around this Congregation 
was of such quality that it attracted the best musicians of that era in Rome: 
Giovanni Animuccia, Giovanni Palestrina, and the Spaniard Francisco Soto de 
Langa. At the same time, it was responsible for the birth of the musical genre 
(along with the Cantata and Opera) most paradigmatic for the Baroque: the 
Oratorio. Counter to the intentions of its founder, the Congregation began to 
spread throughout Italy and Europe with all the cultural repercussions one might 
expect. Spain welcomed with great enthusiasm the foundation of the first house 
of the Congregation in 1645 in Valencia and from there it spread rapidly through- 
out the Iberian peninsula. The contribution of the Oratorians to Spain was a 
combination of the new style of the Italian Oratorio with the then current 
musical-literary traditions of Spain. Although the Congregation and the genre of 
the Oratorio has enjoyed solid and comprehensive scholarship in Italy (especially 
in Rome), its treatment in Spain is still more or less unknown. The purpose of this 
paper is to present the results of our on-going investigations of the musical-liter- 
ary activity this Congregation in Spain. The results are of great interest to musical 
and hterary historians both in Spain and internationally. 

Phillip J. Earenfight (Juniata College Museum of Art) "Florence and the 
Misericordia: Maintaining a Pictorial Tradition on the Piazza San Giovanni 
in the Sixteenth Century." In 1515, the Misericordia-Bigallo confraternity 
sought to update the appearance of the sculpted altarpiece in its loggia on the 
Piazza San Giovanni. The project involved creating a new. Renaissance-styled 
wood frame for Alberto Arnoldi's statues of the Madonna, Child, and Angels, 
which he carved for the Misericordia in the 1350-60s. Originally, these gothic 
statues appeared above the altar and before a fresco of the Last Judgment, painted 
in 1364 by Nardo di Clone. The new wooden altarpiece frame was designed to 
completely cover the fresco and house the statues in a classically inspired style. 
Along the bottom of the frame, much like a predella, a series of painted panels 
were included in the design. Painted in 15 15 by Ridolfo Ghirlandaio, these panels 

30 Confratemitas 12:1 

represent the Madonna della Misericordia, the Death of Peter Martyr, and Tobit 
and Tobias Burying the Dead. The unusual combination of scenes stems from the 
fact that the Misericordia-Bigallo was in fact not one, but two independent 
confraternities that had been merged in the early Quattrocento. Thus, the Death 
of Peter Martyr and the Tobit and Tobias panels represent scenes of the Bigallo 
and Misericordia patron saints, respectively. The Tobit and Tobias panel is 
particularly interesting because it represents the Old Testament figures burying 
the dead directly in front of the confraternity's loggia on the Piazza San Giovanni. 
Although this scene does not at first appear unusual, since it was common for 
Renaissance artists to portray biblical scenes within a contemporary environment, 
the reference to the Piazza San Giovanni is particularly important since the 
Misericordia made direct reference to this site in three previous fresco commis- 
sions-first in 1342, second in 1370s, and third, in 1386. By incorporating this 
reference into the panel, Ghirlandaio maintained an important but little-recog- 
nized tradition estabhshed by the Misericordia of representing the Piazza San 
Giovanni in its painted decorations. Such a tradition was important to the Miseri- 
cordia, ever since it was forced in the early Quattrocento to merge and share its 
prestigious facilities with the financially weak Bigallo. By upholding this picto- 
rial tradition, the Misericordia articulated its long-standing association with the 
city's most important piazza, at a time when it was forced to share its site and 
identity with another confraternity. 

Elizabeth Kiddy (Kenyon College) "Devotional Confraternities for Africans 
in Portugal and Brazil." In the late fifteenth century, the Dominicans began a 
Brotherhood (Irmandade) of Our Lady of the Rosary of Black Men in their 
monastery in Lisbon. The brotherhood served the social and devotional needs of 
a growing African and African descended population in Portugal. The brother- 
hood model served as a perfect institutional vehicle for the inclusion of non-Euro- 
peans into the Catholic Church because it both segregated them yet allowed them 
to participate in a Christian devotion. As Portugal began to colonize Brazil, lay 
religious brotherhoods became part of the institutional structure they took to the 
new world. As slaves became more important as the labor force in the colony in 
the end of the sixteenth century, Jesuits began to travel through the plantations 
and develop rosary brotherhoods for slaves. The earliest record of this dates from 
1586. From that point on, "black" brotherhoods proliferated in colonial Brazil, 
some of which are still in existence today. I will explore the European roots of 
the rosary brotherhood and how they came to be considered appropriate for 
Africans. I will use a 1573 Portuguese prayer book (Livro do Rosario de Nossa 
Senhora) as the basis of the discussion, as well as the fifteenth century rosary 
brotherhood compromisso. I also discuss the transference of these institutions to 
Brazil and possible interpretations of the Christian message by the newly "con- 
verted" Africans who became part of the brotherhoods. I highlight the multi-lay- 
ered and competing meanings of these organizations — one meaning for the 
Portuguese and Euro-Brazilians and another for the many different Africans and 
their descendants who practiced the devotions in the brotherhoods. I demonstrate 

News 3 1 

that the active principle between the brotherhoods and the larger Euro-Brazilian 
society was one of mutual misunderstanding based on a profound inability of 
either group to understand the basic cosmologies of each others' beliefs. Each 
group, however, had compelling motivations to allow Africans and their descen- 
dants to participate in brotherhoods, and thus participate (to some extent) in 
European society — something that in many ways would seem to undermine the 
power relations in the slave/master relationship. 

Lance Lazar (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill) "Forced Conver- 
sion and the Family in Early Modern Italy: The Houses for Catechumens." 

Ignatius Loyola, with the support of Pope Paul III, established in Rome in 1543 
the first permanent mission to non-Christians: the Casa dei Catecumeni. Over the 
course of the next century, at least eleven other houses would be established 
throughout the Italian peninsula. The ideological purpose for the Catechumen 
Houses was simple: to provide room and board for the period of formation leading 
up to the free choice of a new state in life and conversion to Christianity. However, 
in practice, the Houses could also serve as a place of coercive detention, to "test" 
the will of a prospective catechumen, or to raise young children who were 
"offered" by parents or grandparents. The Houses and their governing con- 
fraternities also took on the responsibility of arranging a Godfather — not infre- 
quently a high-ranking cleric or nobleman. The Godfather's responsibihty was to 
shepherd financially the transition to Christianity, so that in theory the spiritual 
"liberation" was matched by on-going material security. The Houses of the 
Catechumens, unhke other institutions for Christianity's outcasts, did not evolve 
away from their original purpose to educate and sustain. Linked to ever-increasing 
proselytizing efforts (popes imposed on the Jews heavier taxation and obligatory 
weekly attendance at conversionary sermons, among other coercive measures), 
they remained fixed in their role as a primary portal to the Christian world right 
up to the nineteenth century. By a close examination of the 1627 case of the failed 
conversion of David Ebreo and his twenty-month-old daughter Dolce, and the 
subsequent involvement of the Roman Inquisition, we gain clearer insight into 
the implementation of discipline and coercion within early modern Italian reli- 
gious practices and attitudes toward groups perceived as threatening. 

The Society will also be sponsoring two sessions on confraternities at the meet- 
ings of the Renaissance Society of America in Tempe, Arizona, on 11-13 April 

The first session is entitled Faith Made Manifest: Ritual Celebrations and 
Visual Constructions of Piety and Charity in Renaissance Italy, it is organized by 
Nicholas Terpstra and consists of the following three presentations: Nicholas 
Eckstein (University of Sydney) "Seeing and Believing. The Performance of Lay 
Devotion and the Urban Setting in Renaissance Florence"; Christopher Black 
(University of Glasgow) "The Public Faces of Post-Tridentine Italian Con- 
fraternities"; and Nicholas Terpstra (University of Toronto) "Showing the Poor 
a Good Time: Caring for Body and Spirit in Bologna's Civic Charities." 

32 Confratemitas 12:1 

The second session, on Confraternities in Colonial Latin America, is organ- 
ized by Joan E. Meznar and consists of the following three presentations: Emma 
Maria Sordo (St. Francis University), "Native Participation and Cofradias in the 
Native Parishes of Potosi"; Susan V. Webster (University of St. Thomas), 
"Images of Identity: The Artistic Patronage of Confraternities in Colonial Quito, 
Ecuador"; and Joan E. Meznar (Eastern Connecticut State University), "Con- 
fraternities and the Struggle Against Heretics in Brazil, 1549-1650." 

The abstracts for the papers in these two sessions are as follows: 

Nicholas Eckstein (University of Sydney) "Seeing and Believing. The Perfor- 
mance of Lay Devotion and the Urban Setting in Renaissance Florence." The 

paper will examine the way the urban laity in late fifteenth and early-sixteenth- 
century Florence perceived, described and enacted devotional activity in visual 
terms, and how the people's behavior was ritualized so as to create a 'theatrical' 
performance that both functioned as a model for the population as a whole and 
reinforced ideas about the sacred in the minds of the 'performers' themselves. 
The argument will utilize confraternal sources in the main, but the argument will 
extend more broadly to suggest relationships between ritualized behaviour and 
the arts and the urban setting of the city. 

Christopher Black (University of Glasgow) "The Public Faces of Post- 
Tridentine Italian Confraternities." While many medieval confraternities had 
emphasized secrecy in their devotions and administrative life, this changed 
dramatically in the post-Tridentine period. While secrecy was not entirely done 
away with, the public purpose of confraternal devotion became far more import- 
ant, as a means of propagating the faith and preserving the faithful. This emphasis 
on public devotion took the form of new processions and parades, the Quarantore 
celebrations, and patronage of major public altars and altarpieces. This paper will 
explore how the notion of a public face to confraternal devotion became more 
important, and also how these cultural forms became an ever more central part of 
confraternal identity and public purpose in the decades after the Council of Trent. 

Nicholas Terpstra (University of Toronto) "Showing the Poor a Good Time: 
Caring for Body and Spirit in Bologna's Civic Charities." In the 1580s, the 
men of the confraternity that ran Bologna's Ospedale dei Poveri Mendicanti grew 
concerned that their female colleagues were missing the point of their St. George's 
Day procession. On this annual feast day for their enclosed workhouse, the poor 
were let out to circulate in procession through the city looking for alms. The 
women had begun turning this fund-raising exercise into a celebration, beginning 
by commissioning flowers and ribbons that the poor could pin to their uniforms, 
and ending with a large feast with some delicacies that the poor could enjoy at 
the end of the day. When persuasion proved unsuccessful, the men used their 
authority in confraternal councils to ban the festivities as a costly extravagance. 
This paper will analyze the longer tradition (and local dynamics) of ritually 
adorning, processing, feasting, or 'treating' the poor in the three contexts of 
theology, gender, and class. 

News 33 

Emma Maria Sordo (St. Francis University), "Native Participation and 
Cofradias in the Native Parishes of Potosi." The institution of the cofradia 
(religious brotherhood) was brought from Spain to the Americas after the Con- 
quest. In general, cofradias were dedicated to a particular patron saint or devotion 
in a specific parish church or monastery. The development of cofradias in the 
Viceroyalty of Peru may be traced to its use as an instrument of Christian doctrine 
in the hands of the clergy directed at the indigenous population. The religious 
orders established cofradias in their efforts at spreading the faith and Christian 
conversion. As in other areas of Spanish America, the cofradia played an import- 
ant role in religious education, mutual assistance, and conversion of the native 
population in Potosi. Other activities were also developed through the cofradias 
in urban native parishes. Why was cofradia membership so important to the 
natives who settled in the parishes? What was the nature of native participation 
in cofradias and related cofradia commitments? To answer these questions, this 
study turns to native last wills in the notarial records of the Archivo Historico de 
Potosi. These testaments are in their own right valuable evidence of religious 
concerns, burial practices, and cofradia membership, as well as customs regard- 
ing rituals, and decisions on alms and donations. 

Susan V. Webster (University of St. Thomas), "Images of Identity: The 
Artistic Patronage of Confraternities in Colonial Quito, Ecuador." Hundreds 
of lay confraternities were established in rural and urban communities throughout 
the Audiencia of Quito during the colonial period. Confraternities served as 
important instruments of evangelization, and they also offered a sense of security 
and group identity for the many different socio-cultural components of colonial 
society. Indeed, confraternities were the only formally structured organizations 
that were open to all sectors of society. Many confraternities limited their 
memberships on the basis of race, ethnicity, or gender; thus, there were often 
separate groups for Spaniards, Indians, Africans, and women. Although the 
confraternities varied in terms of their advocations, membership characteristics, 
and devotional activities, they all shared one essential feature: the need for visual 
images. At minimum, each confraternity had to possess a sculpture or painting 
and an altar in a local church. Wealthier groups commissioned magnificent 
sculptures, sumptuous altarpieces, and even entire churches filled with works of 
art. Confraternity images were crucial to both the public and private activities of 
the group: they served as devotional objects for confraternal masses and prayers, 
and they were carried through the streets in public processions on feast days 
throughout the year. Given the large number of confraternities present throughout 
the Audiencia and their attendant artistic requirements, these groups clearly 
played a particularly important but often overlooked role as artistic patrons. 
Although only a very few confraternity contracts for visual images have been 
discovered, there is nonetheless a large corpus of confraternal art that can be 
identified by other means. This paper employs iconographic analyses, archival 
documents, and colonial chronicles in order to identify works commissioned or 
used by confraternities. As a result of their patronage, these works display unique 

34 Confratemitas 12:1 

characteristics that directly relate to the nature of specific types of confraternities. 
Such works embody issues of race, ethnicity, and socio-cultural status, and they 
also document the ways that confraternities visually constructed their individual 
identities in order to publicly promote their status and prestige within the com- 
munity. The visual images commissioned and used by confraternities thus serve 
as important documents of the diversity of colonial culture, and testify to the 
importance of these groups as artistic patrons. 

Joan E. Meznar (Eastern Connecticut State University), "Confraternities 
and the Struggle Against Heretics in Brazil, 1549-1650." During the sixteenth 
and seventeenth centuries, the kings of Portugal and Spain fought to preserve 
Brazil from other Europeans who hoped to establish their own colonies in the 
region. The more serious of these competitors for empire were also heretics: in 
the 1550s Huguenots attempted unsuccessfully to establish France Antartique 
along the shores of Guanabara Bay, and Dutch Protestants seized Bahia in 1625 
and Pemambuco in 1630. Shortly before Huguenots sailed into Guanabara Bay, 
the first Jesuit missionaries had arrived in Bahia. On a spiritual level, then, Iberian 
attempts to secure Brazil combined the mission to convert heathens with the need 
to curb the territorial ambitions of European Protestants. Brazilian confraternities, 
following the Portuguese model, were frequently segregated by race. This paper 
explores the concerns raised by Jesuit fathers who believed it necessary to 
integrate confraternities so that Christians could present a united front against the 
invading heretics. Once the threat of Protestant European incursions dissipated, 
however, so did concerns about excluding blacks and Indians from white con- 
fraternities. Brazil's early colonial experience permits us to reconsider the signif- 
icance of New World confraternities: not only did they provide space for the 
survival of important elements of African and indigenous identity, they also raised 
concerns about racial (and Christian) unity in the colonial world. 


Fehler, Timothy G. Poor Relief and Protestantism. The Evolution of Social Welfare 
in Sixteenth-Century Emden. St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History. Aldershot, 
UK: Ashgate, 1999. xiii, 332 pp. ISBN 1-85928-378-0 

In this volume Timothy Fehler takes issue with the traditional historiography of 
Northern European poor rehef that, he claims, over-emphasizes Reformation 
theology as the catalyst for changes in civic poverty alleviation. For his part, 
Fehler prefers to engage in a more complex investigation of the topic, one that 
takes into consideration much more than just Protestantism. As a result, his study 
of poor relief in Emdem, while treating extensively the impact of Protestantism, 
also deals with a number of other factors that impacted on social welfare, for 
example confraternal, guild, and civic bodies. 

As the author points out, Emden is an interesting city to study. The Luther- 
anism of the 1520s was not immediately adopted city-wide and Catholicism 
survived well into the mid-century; the Franciscan monastery in Emden, for 
example, remained an important Catholic stronghold up to the 1550s, when it was 
finally purchased by the Protestant countess to serve as a hospital for the poor. 
As an international port city, Emden also served as a hub for many refugees, 
including a Dutch congregation exiled from Marian England in the 1550s and a 
flood of fugitives (both rich and poor) from the embattled Netherlands of the 
1560s. By the end of the century, Emden was largely a Calvinist city, but the 
influx of refugees naturally led to an array of religions that forced the city to 
grapple with such issues as how to treat local and foreign poor, how to determine 
worthy from unworthy poor, and whether those who were worthy had to be part 
of the "household of faith." Fehler follows the city's confessional evolutions with 
great clarity and keeps his reader attuned to the various institutions involved in 
welfare distribution. He shows that amidst such a variety of confessions and 
welfare bodies, the citizens of Emden often wanted to provide for "the poor" in 
general, so much so that institutional efforts to differentiate the needy into 
categories frequently met with failure. 

For confraternity scholars, the chapter on pre-Reformation poor relief offers 
an assessment of the welfare strategies of Emden' s five major confraternities (Our 
Lady, St. Clement, St. Ann, St. Antonius, and St. Jurgen). The story of the 
brotherhood of St. Clement is especially interesting. As a confraternity based 
around the shipping trade, it survived the Lutheran assault and, after absorbing 
the assets of two of the other confraternities, continued to flourish; in fact, it 
survives to this day. Fehler also investigates a number of the five brotherhoods' 
activities and legacies, such as alms-giving and bequests for the poor. Among 
these charitable works Fehler includes the administration of Gotteskammern, 
which he defines as "one-room apartments" that served as long-term housing for 
the homeless and which he considers "unusual, if not unique" for this period and 
this area. 


36 Confratemitas 12:1 

Fehler's study is a welcome addition to the scholarship on sixteenth-century 
social welfare, particularly because of its attention to Emden, a fruitful but 
under-studied centre, and because of its thoughtful approach to the multiplicity 
of individuals and organizations involved in assisting the poor. 

John Gagne 
Department of History 
University of Toronto 

Guilds, Markets and Work Regulations in Italy, 16th-19th Centuries. Eds. Alberto 
Guenzi, Paola Massa and Fausto Piola Caselli. Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998. vii, 520 pp. 

This volume arises out of the growing interest demonstrated by many European 
academics in particular in understanding the forms and impacts of corporate 
groups in early modern Europe. Some conferences of the early 1990s stimulated 
a major Italian collaborative research project in 1994, whose findings were 
delivered at a conference in Rome in 1997 and are now made more widely 
available through this collection. In contrast to some recent work that looks at 
diverse kinds of corporate groups, this collection focuses more narrowly on 
economic history and deals almost exclusively with guilds and their adaptation 
to a new order where merchants and governments held the powers that guilds had 
once exercised. 

Guilds and confraternities were long thought to have retreated, by the early 
modem period, into mere shadows of their medieval selves: empty ritual bodies 
at best, and resisting necessary economic and social change at worst. Certainly 
most were stripped of the central political and economic roles that they had earlier 
played, but in many instances the expansion of the mercantile economy and 
regulatory state was done as much with the co-operation of the guilds as in 
opposition to them. This process is considered in the first two parts of the collection: 
"The Guild System in Some Urban Realities" and "Profession, Monopoly, and 
Conflict". In Genoa, regulations governing foodstuffs were adopted by civic 
governments, but then implemented through the guilds that had formerly held 
total control. In Milan, guilds adapted as merchant companies began expanding 
to take control of industries such as silk; while the latter organized production 
and trade, they could only do so because the former continued to govern contracts, 
quality standards, and training. The same was true of guilds generally in Sardinia 
and Sicily, where guild control of standards and training fit well with merchant 
control of marketing, and where guild control of social life and welfare ensured 
a continuing social influence even after political power had waned. 

The guild activity closest to confraternal realities is mutual aid and charity, 
and this is discussed in Part Three: "Assistance and Mutual Aid." Welfare was 
almost always given on the grounds of Christian charity and kin obligation, but 
we see evolving in this period a growing practice of linking benefit levels for the 
sick, the poor or the old to the years they had worked and contributions they had 
offered, that is, a form of modern insurance. The same was true of aid to 

Reviews 37 

dependents (e.g., dowries or apprenticeship fees for the children of sick or 
deceased craftsmen). Guilds as institutions could adapt to changes in the pre- 
industrial economy, but not to the rise of factory production. Yet their legacy 
continued in the form of concern for working conditions and the length of the 
work day, and in this form made a transition to such new forms as the union and 
the political party. 

This adaptability and metamorphosis of corporate groups is the greatest 
lesson for confraternity scholars from a book which barely mentions confraternit- 
ies at all. Symbolic kinship was a fundamental part of medieval, early modern, 
and even modern social expectations. Our historical studies ought as much as 
possible to understand how kinship groups, whether guilds or confraternities, 
mediate the political, economic, and rehgious changes of a very dynamic period, 
and metamorphose through them. 

Nicholas Terpstra 
Department of History 
University of Toronto 

The Politics of Ritual Kinship. Confraternities and Social Order in Early Modern Italy. 
Ed. Nicholas Terpstra. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. xi, 317 pp. 

This collection of fifteen essays features work by some of the most prominent 
scholars of confraternities from North America, the U.K., and Italy, covering a 
broad temporal sweep from the High Middle Ages to the end of the eighteenth 

The editor's introduction unequivocally places confraternity studies on the 
leading edge of social historical research in general and Italian Studies in partic- 
ular. Terpstra credits social history for taking confraternity studies out of a 
"local-institutional mind set " (p. 2) and highlights the role of confraternities "as 
groups which define social and political roles and mediate changes to a more 
hierarchical society " (p. 3). The conceptual thread tying these essays together is 
well grounded in the tradition of social history, expanding on the themes of family 
and ritual, and also analyzing the structures of community and social control in 
late medieval and early modem Italy. Arguing that confraternities played more 
than a "purely " devotional role in early modem society and pointing to the 
common themes in the articles, he argues that "their activity offers insights into 
the organization and distribution of charity, gender and class relations, the 
character and uses of civic religion, the shifting dynamics of lay and clerical 
relations at all levels, and the means by which social elites used religious and 
charitable institutions to maintain political authority " (p. 4). 

The first essay by Christopher Black gives a retrospective of confraternity 
studies - landmark studies, conferences, and interpretations - as they have 
developed over the last thirty years, and presents much the same conclusion as 
the editor's introduction. The rest of the essays proceed roughly chronologically 
from the foundation of late medieval confratemities in the thirteenth century to 

38 Confratemitas 12:1 

their suppression in the eighteenth century. What hes between, though, is no 
linear, straightforward story, but rather a diverse array of approaches to sources 
and interpretations which serve to open up exciting new paths to research. 

For example, Elliot Horowitz gives a fascinating overview of the rise and 
fall of Jewish confraternal piety in Ferrara in the sixteenth century. Horowitz 
analyzes the development of the earliest Jewish confraternity in Italy whose 
documentation has survived. Giovanna Casagrande opens up a valuable discus- 
sion on the participation of women in Umbrian confraternities, focusing on the 
question of women's "mere presence" in institutional archives and the "real 
worth" of that presence in the spiritual life of women. Angelo Torre analyses 
expressions of social kinship in rural Piedmont and their connection to the 
jurisdictional culture and territorial politics. Attempting to move beyond the 
general study of "collective mentalities " to the specifics of time, place and 
practices, he argues for the centrality of rituals and their "ability to increase the 
powers of the patrons who appropriated and exercised them," (p. 261). These are 
just a few examples of the interests and approaches displayed in this volume. 
What is clear is that all of the contributors are concerned in some way with the 
larger question of social change and the practices which mediate its development. 

This volume presents scholars of confraternities in particular, and readers in 
general, a two-fold offering. First it invites readers to take stock of the develop- 
ment of confraternity studies over the last thirty years and to recognize its leading 
role in social history in general. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, it brings 
together diverse works that display the real strength of confraternity studies in 
scholarship and research and their contribution to our understanding of late-medi- 
eval and early modern Italian society and culture. The synthesis offered by the 
editor is useful for understanding the 'big picture' of contemporary confraternity 
studies, while the studies themselves highlight the complex issues underlying that 

Mark Crane 
Department of History 
University of Toronto 

Quellen zur Geschichte der Kolner Laienbruderschaften vom 12Jahrhundert bis 
1562/63, ed. Klaus Militzer. Band 4. Appendix, Register zu Band 1^. Publikationen 
der Gesellschaft fur Rheinische Geschichtskunde, 71. Dusseldorf: Droste Verlag, 
2000. 297 pp. 

With the publication of the fourth volume of the Quellen, Klaus Militzer brings 
to a close his contribution as compiler and editor of sources for lay confraternities 
in Cologne. Militzer's four volumes constitute a tremendous expenditure of time 
and effort, but, as he himself suggests, the sources are not yet exhausted. The 
opening pages to the fourth volume point to this fact: he includes seven pages of 
documents transcribed from a recently discovered book of documents for the St. 
Lupus Josephsbruderschaft, compiled in 1744, though the documents come from 

Reviews 39 

the late \5^^ and early 16^'^ centuries. These include: a letter of confirmation and 
statute of ordinances from the archbishop of Cologne, Philipp von Oberstein, in 
1515 (Militzer includes the Latin text, #72*.la.l, and a portion of the German 
paraphrase/translation, #72*. la. 1.1); a contract between the priest of St. Lupus 
and the Joseph's confraternity (#72*.la.2); and several brief examples of trans- 
actions made by the confraternity (#72*.la.3). These documents join those 
already referenced in volume 2, p. 897 (# 72.1, #72.2). In the main, however, this 
volume consists of three indices (place, person, and subject), a very helpful 
addition to his previous three volumes; though these volumes include com- 
prehensive tables of contents, the vast number of entries they contain require the 
addition of these indices. 

Mihtzer's work is thorough: he includes almost 300 pages of entries, and 
includes references to their appearance in the documents and also in the annota- 
tions (with an asterisk). The editor also takes care to include alternate spellings 
of names, often a stumbhng block to researchers of early modem Germany (see 
for example the twelve different speUings of Baesweiler). The place name index 
also frequently includes the names of significant officials, members, and bodies 
associated with the name, so that the researcher can easily connect places and 
institutions to the individuals and groups associated with them. With a careful 
reading of the introduction and some practice, the index of places can become a 
valuable tool for the researcher. 

One potential problem is clarified in the introduction to the indices. The first 
two volumes are conceived as a whole, thus the pagination of the second volume 
begins where the first leaves off. Volumes three and four are conceived indepen- 
dently, however, and are paginated accordingly. The indices take this awkward 
inconsistency into account: the index refers to entries found in the first two 
volumes by page number only, whereas entries found in the last two volumes are 
designated by both volume number and page. 

Mihtzer's four volumes join the ranks of well-edited and referenced source 
collections that offer scholars a wealth of otherwise inaccessible material within 
arm's reach. The task of compiling and editing such documents is undoubtedly 
time-consuming, frequently frustrating, and often thankless. Yet as a previous 
reviewer noted, Militzer' s work provides "a contribution that will survive all 
articles and monographs based on it." 

Victor Thiessen 

Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies 

Victoria University (Toronto) 

Terpstra, Nicholas. Lay Confraternities and Civic Religion in Renaissance Bologna. 
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. xx, 251 pp. ISBN 0-521-48092-2 

Nicholas Terpstra' s Lay Confraternities and Civic Religion in Renaissance Bolo- 
gna analyzes the social, political, and religious roles of confraternities in Bologna 
from their beginnings in the thirteenth century through to the seventeenth century. 

40 Confratemitas 12:1 

by which time many had eventually secured an officially recognized place in city 
government. The book is well structured and organized. As Terpstra points out 
in the Prologue, the three analytic chapters (Two, Three and Four) deal primarily 
with lay spirituality, membership composition and procedures, finances, and 
administration and demonstrate how ennobling and devotional changes worked 
together to alter the character and social role of the groups. These are framed by 
two chapters (One and Five) which locate confraternities in civic politics as the 
shapers of civic cult and civic charity through the fifteenth and early sixteenth 
centuries. These chapters are, in turn, framed by a Prologue and Epilogue which 
trace the roots of confraternities into the thirteenth century and their development 
into the early seventeenth. 

Confraternities were the chief organized expression of lay spirituality and 
hence the chief agencies which initially provided lay people of the artisan and 
merchant classes with a means to fashion a more individual liturgical life with 
considerable autonomy and creativity. Terpstra' s recruitment and membership 
statistics reveal that the ennobhng process of the confraternities in the Cinque- 
cento, coupled with their increased roles in an ever expanding civic cult, opened 
up social distinctions between individual companies and led to a deliberate 
exclusion of lower class and artisan elements. These distinctions, he shows, had 
their greatest impact on the rights and terms of women's membership, which were 
further complicated by issues of class and politics. In general, Terpstra' s memr 
bership statistics reveal a recurring pattern: first, the core of dedicated members; 
second, a continuing, small-scale movement brought on by recruitment, expul- 
sion, resignation and death; and, third, a periodic renewing of the confraternity 
when a large influx of professing novices regenerates the membership. 

Terpstra draws a similar conclusion from the transformation of confratemal 
administration: initially they were democratized, but by the Cinquecento, under 
the press of increasing charitable and devotional responsibilities, they became 
more authoritarian. He expands Edward Muir's thesis that control over and use 
of religious symbohsm was the key to broader civic control. Through charitable 
activities, public shrines, and processions Cinquecento patricians increasingly 
used the confraternities to control civil order and the civic religious cult. Con- 
fraternities could also help to maintain harmonious relations among the city's 
rulers and to solidify the positions of the rulers by fitting its members more fully 
into the urban social structure. 

The promotion of confraternities to the front rank as sponsors of charitable 
institutions, custodians of cultic sites, and teachers of Christian truths certainly 
represented the validation of all that the lay confraternities had been working to 
achieve since the Trecento, but at the same time, it was achieved at the expense 
of the autonomy, popular composition, and genuinely lay character of the artisanal 
lay brotherhoods of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Thus, as Terpstra' s 
book proves, while Bolognese confraternities began as lay organizations mod- 
elled after the mendicant and guild orders, by the sixteenth century they had 
transformed themselves into vehicles through which the patriciate could better 
govern and control the city. 

Reviews 4 1 

Terpstra's Lay Confraternities and Civic Religion in Renaissance Bologna 
provides a detailed insight into the confraternities of Renaissance Bologna. He 
examines numerous confraternities and follows their administrative and spiritual 
life, and the transformation which most underwent. Many of his sources include 
statutes, matriculation lists, membership records and financial accounts. Although 
Terpstra's study examines individual confraternities, he does not neglect to set 
his study in the larger pohtical, social and rehgious context of the day. In sum, 
this book helps to expand our understanding of civic religion and ritual, and at 
the same time to provide valuable insight into the confraternities of Renaissance 

Milton Kooistra 

Centre for Medieval Studies 

University of Toronto 


Publications Received 

The following publications have been received by the SCS and have been 
deposited into the Confraternities Collection at the Centre for Reformation and 
Renaissance Studies (Toronto): 

Dehmer, Andreas. "Dokumente zu Banner und Tabemakel der Florentiner Compagnia di 
Santa Maria e San Zanobi im Trecento." Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in 
Florenz 43:2/3 (1999), pp. 597-605. 

De Sandre Gasparini, Giuseppina. "La Deputazione, il Centro di Ricerca sul movimento dei 
disciplinati e la storiografia confratemale recente" in Una regione e la sua storia. Atti del 
Convegno celebrativo del Centenario della Deputazione (1896-1996). Perugia, 19-20 
ottobre 1996. Perugia: Deputazione di storia patria per rUmbria, 1998. Pp. 237-256. 

Fehler, Timothy G. Poor Relief and Protestantism. The Evolution of Social Welfare in 
Sixteenth-Century Emden. St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History. Aldershot, UK: 
Ashgate, 1999. xiii, 332 pp. 

Gazzini, Marina. "Patriziati urbani e spazi confratemali in eta rinascimentale: Tesempio di 
Milano." Archivio storico italiano 158:3 (2000), pp. 491-514. 

Giordano, Francisco. "La Chiesa e I'Ospedale della Confratemita della SS. Trinita di 
Bologna. Origini e trasformazioni." // Carrobbio 18 (1992), pp. 181-194. 

Giordano, Francisco. "La Chiesa di San Colombano in Bologna. Notizie suUa storia e sulle 
decorazioni." // Carrobbio 23 (1997), pp. 31^3. 

Giordano, Francisco. "L' Oratorio di Santa Maria della Vita. Antichi documenti e rihevi." 
Strenna storica bolognese 49 (1999), pp. 231-248. 

Guilds, Markets and Work Regulations in Italy, 16th-19th Centuries. Eds. Alberto Guenzi, 
Paola Massa and Fausto Piola Caselli. Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998. vii, 520 pp. Contains: 
Giorgio Borelli "A Reading of the Relationship between Cities, Manufacturing Crafts and 
Guilds in Early Modern Italy" pp. 1 9-3 1 ; Angelo Moioli "The Changing Role of the Guilds 
in the Reorganisation of the Milanese Economy throughout the Sixteenth and the Eighteenth 
Centuries" pp. 32-55; Giacomina Caligaris "Trade Guilds, Manufacturing and Economic 
Privilege in the Kingdom of Sardinia in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries" pp. 56-8 1 ; 
Giuseppe Doneddu "The Guild System in Sardinia in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth 
Centuries" pp. 82-97; Simona Laudani "The Guild System and City Government: Palermo 
in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries" pp. 98-1 16; Anna dell'Orefice 'The Decline 
of the Silk and Wool Guilds in Naples in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries" pp. 
117-31; Fausto Piola Caselli "The Regulation of the Roman Market in the Seventeenth 
Century" pp. 132-49; Carlo M. Travaglini "The Roman Guilds System in the Early 
Eighteenth Century" pp. 150-70; Gian Luigi Basini "New Entrepreneurial Demands and 
Economic Organisation in Two Northern ItaUan Cities in the Late Eighteenth and Early 
Nineteenth Centuries" p. 171-90; Paola Lanaro "Guild Statutes in the Early Modern Age: 
Norms and Practices. Preliminary Results in the Veneto Area" pp. 191-207; Rosalba 
Ragosta Portioli "Conflicts and Norms in the Silkmakers' Guild in Naples in the Sixteenth 
to Eighteenth Centuries" pp. 21 1-26; Renzo Sabbatini "Between Corporative Conflicts and 
'Social Ecology': The Silk Industry in Lucca in the Early Eighteenth Century" pp. 227^5; 
Paola Massa "The Genoese Guilds in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. The Food 


Publications Received 43 

Administration Offices and the Food Sector Guilds in Genoa: Organization and Conflict" 
pp. 246-65; Carlo Marco Belfanti "A Chain of Skills: The Production Cycle of Firearms 
Manufacture in the Brescia Area from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries" pp. 266-83 ; 
Alberto Guenzi 'The Hatmakers' Guild in Bologna in the Early Modern Era" pp. 284-99; 
Fabio Giusberti "Dynamics of the Used Goods Market: Bolognese Drapers and Scrap 
Merchants in the Early Modem Era" pp. 300-5; Bernardino Farolfi "Brokers and Brokerage 
in Bologna from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Centuries" pp. 306-22; Luigi De Matteo 
and Maria Carmela Schisani "Stockbrokers and Stock Exchange Brokerage in Naples from 
the Decade of French Rule to Post-Unification" pp. 323-39; Angela Maria Girelli "In Search 
of the Country Merchant: The Profile of a Roman Worker of the Early 1 800s" pp. 340-71 ; 
Angela Groppi "Jews, Women, Soldiers and Neophytes: The Practice of Trade Under 
Exclusions and Privileges (Rome from the Seventeenth to the Early Nineteenth Centuries)" 
pp. 372-92; Luigi Mascilli Migliorini "Brotherhoods and Guilds in Naples in the Eighteenth 
Century: Religious Devotion and the Protection of Crafts" pp. 395-408; Tommaso Fanfani 
"The Guilds in Italian Economic Development in the Early Modem Era: Guilty or Innocent?" 
pp. 409-22; Franca Assante 'The Prophets of Welfare: The Monti and Conservatori in 
Neapolitan Guilds in the Early Modem Age" pp. 423-35; Renata Allio "Welfare and Social 
Security in Piedmont: Trade Guilds Compared to Mutual Aid Societies" pp. 436-46; Luigi 
Trezzi "The Survival of the Corporation within the Friendly Societies for Artisans and 
Workers in Milan during the First Half of the Nineteenth Century" pp. 447-64; Giuseppe 
Di Taranto "Shipowners' and Sailors' Associations" pp. 465-75. 

Militzer, Klaus. "Laienbmderschaften in Koln in Spatmittelalter und Friiher Neuzeit" in 
Quellen zur Geschichte der Kolner Laienbmderschaften vom 12.Jahrhundert bis 1562/63, 
ed. Klaus Militzer. Band 4. Dusseldorf: Droste Verlag, 2000, pp. 222^2. 

The Politics of Ritual Kinship. Confraternities and Social Order in Early Modern Italy. Ed. 
Nicholas Terpstra. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. xi, 317 pp. [Contains: 
Nicholas Terpstra "Introduction. The Politics of Ritual Kinship" pp. 1-8; Christopher F. 
Black "The Development of Confratemity Studies over the Past Thirty Years" pp. 9-29; 
Jennifer Fisk rondeau "Homosociality and Civic (Dis)order in Late Medieval Italian Con- 
fraternities" pp. 30-47; Giovanna Casagrande "Confraternities and Lay Female Religiosity 
in Late Medieval and Renaissance Umbria" pp. 48-66; Daniel Bomstein 'The Bounds of 
Community: Commune, Parish, Confratemity, and Charity at the Dawn of a New Era in 
Cortona" pp. 67-81; Anna Esposito "Men and Women in Roman Confratemities of the 
Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries: Roles, Functions, Expectations" pp. 82-97; Lorenzo 
Polizzotto "The Medici and the Youth Confraternity of the Purification of the Virgin, 
1434-1506" pp. 98-113; Nicholas Terpstra "In loco parentis: Confratemities and Aban- 
doned Children in Florence and Bologna" pp. 114-31; Lance Lazar "The First Jesuit 
Confratemities and Marginahzed Groups in Sixteenth-Century Rome" pp. 132-49; Elliott 
Horowitz "Jewish Confratemal Piety in Sixteenth-Century Ferrara: Continuity and Change" 
pp. 150-71; Richard S. Mackenney 'The Scuole piccole of Venice: Formations and Trans- 
formations" pp. 172-89; Danilo Zardin "Relaunching Confraternities in the Tridentine Era: 
Shaping Conscience and Christianizing Society in Milan and Lombardy" pp. 1 90-209; Mark 
A. Lewis "The Development of Jesuit Confraternity Activity in the Kingdom of Naples in 
the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries" pp. 210-27; Claudio Bernardi "Corpus Domini: 
Ritual Metamorphoses and Social Changes in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Genoa" 
pp. 228-^2; Angelo Torre "Faith's Boundaries: Ritual and Territory in Rural Piedmont in 
the Early Modem Period" pp. 243-61; Konrad Eisenbichler "The Suppression of Con- 
fraternities in Enlightment Florence" pp. 262-78.] 

44 Confratemitas 12:1 

Quellen zur Geschichte der Kolner Laienbruderschaften vom ll.Jahrhundert bis 1562/63, 
ed. Klaus Militzer. Band 4. Appendix, Register zu Band 1-4. Publikationen der Gesellschaft 
fiir Rheinische Geschichtskunde, 7 1 . Diisseldorf: Droste Verlag, 2000. 297 pp. 

Santucci, Francesco. "Aggiunte in volgare trecentesco agli statuti dei Disciplinati di S. 
Antonio di KssisV Atti Accademia Properziana del Subasio set. 6, n. 4 (1980), pp. 49-60. 

Santucci, Francesco. "Note di spesa in volgare assisano trecentesco per una lite dei Dis- 
ciplinati di S. Stefano con I'abate di S. Pietro (1336).'' Annuario del Centenario dell'lstituto 
Magistrale "R. Bonghi" - Assisi, 1878-1978. Assisi: Tipografia Porziuncola, 1980. pp. 

Santucci, Francesco. "Preci in volgare trecentesco dei Disciplinati di S. Stefano di Assisi." 
Annuario dell'lstituto Magistrale "R. Bonghi" - Assisi 1980-1982. Assisi: Tipografia 
Porziuncola, 1982. pp. 133-61. 

Santucci, Francesco. "Deliberazioni in volgare trecentesco dei Disciplinati di S. Rufino in 
Assisi." Atti Accademia Properziana del Subasio ser. 6, n. 8 (1984), pp. 61-69. 

Santucci, Francesco. "La fratemita dei Disciplinati di S. Lorenzo. Linee storiche e statuto." 
Le fraternite medievali di Assisi. Assisi: Accademia Properziana del Subasio / Perugia: 
Centro di Ricerca e di Studio sul Movimento dei Disciplinati, 1989. pp. 87-104, 273-304. 

Santucci, Francesco. "La fratemita dei Disciplinati di S. Antonio. Linee storiche e statuto." 
Le fraternite medievali di Assisi. Assisi: Accademia Properziana del Subasio / Perugia: 
Centro di Ricerca e di Studio sul Movimento dei Disciplinati, 1989. pp. 167-74, 375-83. 

Santucci, Francesco. ''Lauda della scavigliazione della fratemita dei Disciplinati di S. 
Stefano di Assisi." Atti Accademia Properziana del Subasio ser. 6, n. 22 (1994), pp. 243-63. 

Scuola dalmata dei SS Giorgio e Trifone (Venezia) issue 38 (2000/1). 

Sebregondi, Ludovica. "I luoghi teatrali delle confratemite fiorentine tra Sei e Settecento." 
Teatro, scena, rappresentazione dal Quattrocento al Settecento. Atti del Convegno inter- 
nazionale di studi (Lecce, 15-17 maggio 1997), ed. Paola Andrioli, et al. Lecce: Congedo 
Editore, 2000. pp. 335^8. 

Terpstra, Nicholas. Lay Confraternities and Civic Religion in Renaissance Bologna. Cam- 
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. xx, 251 pp. 

Terpstra, Nicholas. "Making a Living, Making a Life: Work in the Orphanages of Florence 
and Bologna." Sixteenth Century Studies 31:4 (2000), pp. 1063-79. 

Confratern itas 

Volume 12, No. 2, Fall 2001 



"Lo statute della confratemita dei SS. Crispino e Crispiniano dei calzolai 

tedeschi. Introduzione e testo" 

Anna Osbat 3 

Thesis Completed 

"Confraternities and Popular Religion in the Kingdom of Navarra during 

the Ancient Regime" Doctoral thesis, Universidad Publica de Navarra 

(Spain), 1998. 

Gregorio Silanes Susaeta 34 


"Irish Confraternities, 1400-1700" 

Colm Anthony Lennon 36 

News 40 


Barzman, Karen-Edis. The Florentine Academy and the Early Modern 

State. The Discipline ofDisegno (Erin Campbell) 46 

Confraternity of the Buonomini di San Martino. Historical Archive 

(Konrad Eisenbichler) 47 

"Un solo corpo. " Le Confraternite, la Fede e le Opere 

(Nicholas Terpstra) 48 

Publications Received 50 


Lo statute della confraternita dei SS. Crispino e 
Crispiniano dei calzolai tedeschi. 
Introduzione e testo 


The confraternity of the German shoemakers in Rome was dedicated to Saints 
Crispin and Crispinian, patron saints of shoemakers and leatherworkers. The 
confraternity was estabHshed in the fifteenth century and received papal approval 
from Eugenius IV on 22 September 1439. At first the confraternity met in the 
church of Sant'Agostino, then, from 1681, in the schola sutorum, and then, 
finally, from 1836 it amalgamated with the confraternity of the German 
Cemetery (Campo Santo Teutonico). The Archive of the German Cemetery, 
now at the Vatican, has only five volumes of records from the confraternity of 
Saints Crispin and Crispinian. The following pages offer a descriptive intro- 
duction to, and transcription of the confraternity's first set of statutes, com- 
posed in Latin and German in 1439. 

1. Storia della confraternita 

Nei primi decenni del secolo XV i calzolai tedeschi che lavoravano a Roma 
decisero di istituire una confraternita, intitolata ai SS. Crispino e Crispiniano, 
protettori dei calzolai. II 22 settembre 1439 la compagnia ricevette Tapprovazione 
canonica da Eugenio IV e promulgo il suo primo statuto. 

Come altre confraternite nate nell'ambito delle universita di mestiere, i 
compiti principali della confraternita erano quelli di assistere i confratelli 
bisognosi o malati, organizzare le pratiche di culto, assicurare la sepoltura, spesso 
nel cimitero del Campo Santo Teutonico. Nel 1459 i calzolai tedeschi 
acquistarono una casa dalla chiesa nazionale di S. Maria dell'Anima, che 
trasformarono nella loro sede: si trova ancora oggi in via Monte della Farina n. 
28-31, nel Rione S. Eustachio, e sopra il portone si puo leggere I'iscrizione 
"Schola Sutorum vere Germanicorum ad Turrim Cosstebade de Cosslin. 
Resturata aucta. a.d. MDCCCIC." Nel 1500 la confraternita acquisto una casa 
adiacente, che ristrutturo a sue spese.^ Le riunioni religiose si tennero prima in 
una cappella della chiesa di S. Agostino, davanti ad un altare portatile. 
Successivamente (1681) i calzolai tedeschi ebbero una cappella propria nella 
schola sutorum, dedicata a SS. Crispino e Crispiniano, dato che era naufragata la 
possibilita di avere una cappella presso la chiesa di S. Maria della Pieta in Campo 
Santo Teutonico. Nel 1836 la compagnia, ridotta a pochissimi membri, si uni alia 
confraternita del Campo Santo.^ 

1 Maas, The German Community, p. 4. 

2 Gatz, Anton de Waal (1837-1917) und der Campo Santo Teutonico (Rome: Herder, 
1980) pp. 180-182 and 246-247; de Waal, Roma Sacra, pp. 361-368. 

4 Confratemitas 12:2 

La confraternita non deve essere mai stata particolarmente rilevante, se ne il 
Fanucci ne il Piazza ne fanno cenno nelle loro opere sulle confraternite e gli 
ospedali romani, al contrario di quanto accade con la confraternita di S. Elisabetta 
dei fomai tedeschi, menzionata da entrambi. Dell'antico archivio sono rimaste 
oggi pochissime tracce: solo cinque faldoni, conservati presso 1' archivio del 
Campo Santo Teutonico: gli Statuti del 1439, con I'indice dei fratelli iscritti dal 
1439 al 1697; due Libri delle congregazioni (1800-1836); Mazzo di notizie 
diverse sui beni (sec. XIX) una copia dello Statuto per Vuniversita dei lavoranti 
e garzoni dei calzolai, Roma, RCA, 1789.^ 

2. Tempi e luoghi 

II periodo in cui viene fondata la confraternita e caratterizzato da una notevole 
instabilita politica ai vertici della gerarchia ecclesiastica. Nel 1431, all'eta di 48 
anni, Gabriele Convonieri, nipote di Papa Gregorio XII, divento Papa Eugenio 
rv. Dalla sua elezione cominciarono gli screzi con la famiglia Colonna e i suoi 
alleati, che organizzarono congiure e sobillarono la folia contro di lui; altri 
contrasti si ebbero con i concilii: quello di Basilea , che nel 1440 arrivo a nominare 
un antipapa, Felice V, e quello di Ferrara-Firenze. A causa delle congiure romane 
Eugenio IV dovette fuggire dalla citta e trovare rifugio a Firenze, dove rimase dal 
1434 al 1442. Tomo a Roma nel 1443, dove presto si ammalo e mori, dopo una 
lunga agonia, nel 1447, dopo 16 anni di pontificato."^ 

Lo statuto della confraternita contiene elementi che mostrano 1' instabilita 
politica dell'epoca. La sua approvazione avviene proprio a Firenze, nel monastero 
di Santa Maria Novella, che era stato trasformato da Eugenio IV nella sede della 
curia pontificia. Nel testo dello statuto viene ripetuto piu volte che la confraternita 
e costituita dai calzolai tedeschi Romanam Curiam Sequentes. Probabilmente i 
calzolai tedeschi furono i primi ad ottenere una formale approvazione papale per 
la loro confraternita proprio perche dimostrarono la loro lealta seguendo il papa 
nel suo esilio fiorentino. 

Vi e anche la possibiHta che una parte dei 50 fondatori della confraternita 
siano rimasti a Firenze dopo la partenza del pontefice. Si ha infatti notizia, nel 
1502, della fusione tra le confraternite dei calzolai italiani e tedeschi di Firenze. 
Le devozioni speciali di questi ultimi, ricordate nel nuovo statuto, sono molto 
simili a quelle che si trovano nello statuto del 1439,^ in particolare le quattro 
messe per ricorrenze mariane (nativita, annunciazione, purificazione, 

I calzolai tedeschi sono uno dei gruppi piu consistenti di artigiani di questa 
nazione. Gli altri mestieri frequenti (oltre ai curiales) sono fomai (che cos- 
tituiscono una confraternita nazionale-professionale nel 1487),^ tessitori (che 

3 Schmidt, Das Archiv des Campo Santo Teutonico, pp. 34-35, 44, 11-1%. 

4 Moroni, Dizionario d 'erudizione storico- ecclesiastica; Pastor, Storia dei Papi, pp. 290-362. 

5 Artusi/Patruno. Deo Gratias, pp. 82-84. 

6 Noack, Das Deutschtum in Rom, p. 1 9. 

Lo statuto delta confratemita del SS. Crispino e Cripiniano 5 

probabilmente hanno costituito nel '400 una confratemita poi confluita in S. 
Maria deH'Anima), commercianti, sarti, fabbri, sellai, pellicciai, mugnai, orafi, 
albergatori, mugnai, osti, stampatori, vasai, veterinari, speziali, costruttori di 
organic Come sappiamo ddAXdiDescriptio Urbis, i rioni nei quali i tedeschi erano 
piu frequenti all'inizio del '500 erano Regola, Parione, Borgo, e S. Eustachio. La 
chiesa di S. Agostino si trova nel rione Ponte, quindi leggermente eccentrica 
rispetto alia residenza dei calzolai, mentre la sede della confratemita si trova in 
un rione tra i piii frequentemente abitati dai loro connazionali. Vicino alia chiesa 
di S. Agostino, a S. Trifone, aveva pero la sede la confratemita dei calzolai 
italiani, quindi e probabile che quella fosse una zona di Roma caratterizzata dalle 
botteghe dei calzolai. A conferma di questa supposizione, vi e il toponimo di una 
delle vie che partono dalla piazza S. Agostino, ovvero via dei Pianellari (secondo 
Rufini cosi denominata a causa dei negozi di venditori di pianelle e scarpe) che 
si trovava proprio al confine dei due rioni, Ponte e S. Eustachio.^ Secondo Maas, 
"built on seven hills and the goal of tens of thousands of pilgrims, Rome was a 
city of aching feet and worn out soles"; questo, e il forte incremento demografico 
che si ebbe tra XIV e XV secolo, crearono una grande domanda di calzolai, alia 
quale i tedeschi risposero con particolare velocita.^ 

3. Lo statuto del 1439 

I calzolai tedeschi decisero di costituire una confratemita intitolata ai SS. Crispino 
e Crispiniano, formularono le loro regole all'inizio di agosto del 1439, e queste 
furono formalmente approvate con una bolla di Eugenio IV il 22 settembre 

Degli statuti abbiamo due versioni manoscritte, la prima interamente in 
tedesco, precedente all' appro vazione papale, la seconda in latino e tedesco, 
successiva alia bolla di Eugenio IV. ^^ E probabile che esistessero anche regole 
precedenti, o che la formulazione di queste sia cominciata prima dell'esilio del 
papa, dato che negli statuti ci si riferisce a Roma come luogo dove si pratica I'arte, 
e non a Firenze,^^ anche se le esazioni "normali" dai confratelli sono fissate in 
fiorini "de camera" {earner gulden), oppure in quattrini. 

Gli statuti che sono in appendice sono la trascrizione del Liber 96, riportati 
prima in latino, e poi, kuntliche, in tedesco. ^^ 

L'intitolazione ai martiri Crispino e Crispiniano non e legata ad una 
particolare devozione tedesca, ma al fatto che questi due santi leggendari erano i 
patroni di tutti i calzolai. Secondo la leggenda, si trattava di due fratelli che, al 
tempo di Diocleziano, si erano trasferiti dall' Italia a Soissons, in Francia, dove 

7 Doren, Deutsche Handwerker, pp. 22-26. 

8 Rufini, Dizionario delle strade, p. 170. 

9 Maas, German Community, p. 4. 

10 Sono rispettivamente i libri 77 e 96 deH'Archivio del Campo Santo Teutonico. 

1 1 Maas, German Community, p. 5. 

1 2 Proemio dello Statuto in tedesco, ACST, Liber 96, p. XXV. 

6 Confratemitas 12:2 

lavoravano come calzolai e facevano proseliti alia fede cristiana. Per questo 
motivo, I'imperatore Massimiano li fece arrestare dal suo ministro Raziovaro, il 
quale, dopo aver tentato con ogni mezzo di farli abiurare, assalito dai dubbi ed 
esasperato, si suicido gettandosi nel fuoco. Per vendicarlo Massimiano condanno 
i due fratelli alia pena capitale. La loro morte sarebbe da collegarsi quindi alle 
grandi persecuzioni avvenute nel 303-304. Dopo la loro morte, i due martiri 
divennero patroni dei calzolai e dei ciabattini e la loro festa si celebra, ora come 
allora, il 25 ottobre.^-^ La vera devozione dei calzolai tedeschi pero, piu che verso 
i loro avvocati Crispino e Crispiniano, e rivolta verso la Madonna, come emerge 
anche dagli obblighi devozionali previsti dallo statuto. 

II Liber 96 e costituito da un volume di 80 pagine di pergamena, rilegate in 
cuoio, il cui stato di conservazione e abbastanza buono, salvo in alcune pagine in 
cui rinchiostro, a causa dell'umidita, e scolorito. Oltre al testo degli statuti, che 
occupa le prime 60 pagine (dalla F alia XX^ in latino, dalla XXF alia LX^ in 
tedesco), vi e riportato un elenco dei confratelli membri della confraternita dal 
1439 al 1697, spesso con I'indicazione della loro provenienza (p. VIII-IX e 
XXVII-XXVIII), COS! come per molti dei 49 anziani che sottoscrivono lo statuto 
nel 1439. Gli statuti sono redatti in prima persona dal Magister Albertus Ozen, 
chierico e notaio {Albertus Ozen, clericus Padeburnen publicus Apostolica et 
Imperiali auctoritaibus Notarius)}^ e vergati da un amanuense di nome Eckardus, 
che lascio una sorta di raccomandazione della propria anima al termine dello 
statuto (Animam scriptoris proteggat manus Salvatoris. Qui me scribebat 
Eckardus nomen habebat, vivat in celis Eckardus Christifidelis). II carattere usato 
dair amanuense e il gotico italiano, sia per la parte in latino che per quella in 
tedesco. Le lettere sono normalmente in nero, tranne per alcune parti parti- 
colarmente significative (il proemio, il sommario del contenuto dei vari capitoli) 
che sono scritte con inchiostro rosso. 

II volume si apre con due pagine miniate in oro e in vari colori. La prima 
riporta una rappresentazione della crocefissione: a sinistra del crocefisso si 
trovano due donne, una in ginocchio, I'altra in piedi; a destra un uomo. Ai quattro 
angoli dell'immagine vi sono i simboli dei quattro evangelisti: un toro, un leone, 
un aquila e un angelo. Sotto I'immagine principale sono rappresentati, in piccolo, 
due oranti. Nella seconda pagina vi e una rappresentazione della Vergine con il 
Bambino, seduta su un trono coperto da un baldacchino. Ai lati della Madonna vi 
sono i due martiri, Crispino e Crispiniano in abiti rinascimentali, riconoscibih 
dagli attrezzi da calzolaio che hanno in mano: un calzare e un utensile per lavorare 
il cuoio. Agli angoli superiori dell'immagine si trovano due angeli; in basso e 
ripetuta la rappresentazione dei due oranti. 

All'inizio dello statuto in latino, viene rappresentato in miniatura S. Giovanni 
evangelista, riconoscibile dall'aquila che ha ai piedi, con in mano un libro e un 
pennino. La pagina e decorata, ai margini, con fregi floreali in oro e vari colori. 

1 3 Artusi/Palruno, Deo Gratias, p. 82. 

14 ACST, L. 96, p. XX r. 


Lo statuto della confratemita dei SS. Crispino e Cripiniano 7 

Nella pagina seguente, il credo apostolico comincia con una C miniata in oro, e 
a pagina VI^ il nome del papa, Eugenius, occupa una intera pagina con fregi in 
oro, scritta in carattere diverso. Tra la u e la s si trova la rappresentazione di un 
puttino alato. Nella pagina VIV si trova una miniatura della lettera E, aH'interno 
della quale e rappresentato il papa Eugenio VI, con la tiara , il mantello e la mano 
destra benedicente. Dopo questa non ci sono altre miniature, ma solo piccoli fregi 
sul lato sinistro delle pagine, e alcune lettere maiuscole sono leggermente deco- 
rate. Nella parte in tedesco. Tunica lettera miniata e, di nuovo, la E di Eugenius, 
stavolta monocroma con ornamenti floreali. 

Per quanto riguarda il complesso dello statuto, tra la parte in latino e quella 
in tedesco vi e una fondamentale corrispondenza, anche se gli articoli in latino 
sono pill sintetici ed essenziali e non hanno il riassunto, mentre quelli in tedesco 
presentano frequenti digressioni su aspetti devozionali e insegnamenti religiosi. 
Anche i numeri degli articoli corrispondono nelle due lingue, tranne che per gli 
articoli XXIX e XXX che risultano scambiati. 

Le eccezioni alia corrispondenza tra le due versioni si hanno soprattutto alia 
fine e all'inizio degh statuti: in latino lo statuto comincia con il prologo del 
vangelo secondo Giovanni (Gv 1-14) e, di seguito a questo, il cosiddetto "Credo 
apostolico"; nella versione tedesca questi due brani mancano. Alia fine dello 
statuto in tedesco vengono aggiunti, probabilmente dopo il ritorno dei calzolai a 
Roma, alcuni articoli riguardanti alcune prescrizioni devozionali e le chiavi della 
schola sutorum. 

II contenuto degli statuti e abbastanza tradizionale: da una parte 
Torganizzazione della confratemita, dall'altra gli aspetti devozionali. Dopo un 
prologo, che pone la confratemita sotto la protezione della Trinita, della Madonna 
e dei Santi Crispino e Crispiniano e che sottolinea I'approvazione del papa 
Eugenio IV, si ricorda che il fine principale della confratemita, e quello di pregare 
Dio per essere resi degni della salvezza e di pregare per le anime dei confratelli 
morti perche abbiano pace e riposo nella vita etema. 

La prima regola della confratemita e che i confratelli debbano seguire la curia 
romana dove essa si sposta, portando con se la cappella, i libri e le altre cose della 
confratemita. La seconda regola riguarda il fine principale della confratemita, 
ovvero la preghiera per i confratelli defunti: i calzolai stabiliscono che ogni 
lunedi, per sempre, si debba tenere una messa per i defunti. Sappiamo che il lunedi 
era il giomo festivo tradizionale per gli artigiani tedeschi, il cosiddetto blau 
Montag. Inoltre, I'importanza data ai suffragi per i defunti conferma la teoria di 
Delumeau secondo la quale le confratemite erano, di fatto, associazioni di mutua 
assistenza di fronte alia morte: assistenza nei confronti dei vivi e solidarieta 
nell'intercessione per il riposo dell'anima.^^ La partecipazione alia messa dei 
defunti e cosi importante che I'articolo successivo stabilisce che debbano essere 
sempre presenti almeno quattro fratelli, indicati dalla confratemita, sotto la pena 
di una libbra di cera. 

15 Delumeau, Rassicurare e proteggere, p. 392. 

8 Confratemitas 12:2 

L'articolo IV si occupa delle festivita solenni oltre ai lunedi: Nativita, 
Pasqua, Pentecoste, le quattro feste della Madonna (Ascensione, Nativita, 
Purificazione, Annunciazione), il giomo di tutti i santi e la festa dei santi patroni, 
che cade il 25 ottobre. In tutto le festivita solenni sono quindi nove. Nell'articolo 
successivo, pero, a queste si aggiunge una festa che la confraternita, in coerenza 
con il suo fine, celebra con particolare enfasi: quella dei morti, in occasione della 
quale si terra una messa cantata, alia presenza tassativa di tutti i fratelli, e che si 
deve tenere nel luogo ove si trova la curia romana. La solennita deiravvenimento 
e accresciuta dal fatto che ogni confratello debba tenere in mano una candela 
accesa per tutta la durata della messa, da riconsegnare ai reggitori al termine della 

La figura dei reggitori viene delineata nell'articolo VI: sono eletti ogni 
quattro anni,^^ due tra i mastri e due tra i garzoni, per reggere la confraternita e 
provvedere fedelmente al suo servizio. Tra i reggitori viene previsto un ricambio 
parziale alle tornate quadriennali, cosicche rimanga uno anziano insieme ai tre 
nuovi, per poter loro spiegare i compiti e i beni spettanti alia confraternita, in oro, 
avgento e prompta pecunia. Evidentemente, in questa prima fase, per I'instabilita 
della curia romana, la confraternita non investe i suoi beni in immobili ma 
preferisce mantenere una liquidita completa. 

Gli articoli VII-XI tomano sulla solidarieta aH'interno della confraternita, 
occupandosi del caso piu temuto: quello della malattia. I confratelli, compiendo 
una delle opere di misericordia bibliche, devono visitare e confortare i fratelli 
malati; se il fratello muore devono accompagnarlo tutti insieme nelle esequie; se, 
durante la sua malattia, ha bisogno di denaro, glielo debbono prestare, sapendo 
che, nel caso della sua morte, non potranno esigere il credito. Viene 
esplicitamente previsto che i fratelli non si possano rifiutare di dare soldi in 
prestito agli ammalati. Riguardo alia possibilita di uscire dalla confraternita per 
i membri che abbiano conti economici in sospeso viene stabilito che e sufficiente 
che essi trovino qualcuno che li voglia sostituire, anche dal punto di vista 

Gli articoli XII-XIII si occupano delle sovvenzioni alia confraternita: ogni 
confratello deve versare, ogni domenica, due quattrini al banco del mercato dove 
si riuniscono i calzolai, tra mezzogiorno e Tuna. Se non dovesse rispettare questa 
incombenza deve essere multato. Per entrare nella confraternita (art. XIV) si deve 
essere presentati daun confratello, e occorre pagare 15 scellini al sodalizio, anche 
se si ricorda che I'offerta deve essere volontaria, non imposta (chi non lo fa 
volontariamente non e degno d'entrare nella confraternita). 

Gli articoli XV-XVII sono dedicati al mantenimento della concordia aH'interno 
della confraternita:, i fratelli, nel nome del Dio della pace, non devono litigare, 
soprattutto al banco della confraternita; non si devono dare del bugiardo Tun 
I'altro; non debbono essere irritati o discordi tra di loro (Mt 5, 23-24). Se i 
reggitori dovessero accorgersi di una discordia, devono fare da giudici pacificatori; 

1 6 E non per quattro mesi, come sostiene invece Maas, German Community, p. 7. 

Lo statuto delta confratemita dei SS. Crispino e Cripiniano 9 

se non possono, i due litiganti si devono cercare un giudice per risolvere la contesa 
e debbono rispettare le sue decision!. 

Gli articoli XVIII-XXII riguardano il comportamento che i fratelli devono 
seguire per non dare scandalo: non devono eccedere nel bere nelle taverne, non 
devono fare risse e soprattutto non devono giocare a dadi, per denaro, vino o 
quant' altro. Inoltre i confratelli non devono imbrogliarsi I'un I'altro, specialmente 
tra mastri e garzoni, e non devono ingiustamente accusare qualcuno di furto, che 
e la peggiore di tutte le malvagita. 

L'articolo XXIII riguarda rammissibilita alia confratemita, esclusa per chi 
ha cattiva fama, sia bugiardo, giocatore o ruffiano. Nell'articolo successivo ci si 
occupa invece della riammissione di chi sia voluto uscire dalla confratemita in 
seguito ad un litigio: deve saldare i suoi debiti e pagare nuovamente i quindici 
quattrini dei novizi. 

Gli articoli XXIV-XXV si occupano ancora del funzionamento della con- 
fratemita: il modo nel quale si devono esporre i propri casi ai reggitori, e cosa 
bisogna fare nel caso questi non possano eccezionalmente 
risolvereun'incombenza da soli. Gli articoli XXVI-XVII riguardano le messe con- 
fratemali: i reggitori sono i primi in ordine di precedenza, e i confratelli devono 
tenere le candele accese in mano. Altre regole di condotta prevedono che i mastri, 
in caso di multa, debbano pagare il doppio dei confratelli; che i mastri che 
assumano un nuovo garzone lo debbano presentare alia confratemita entro otto 
giomi; che si possano ammettere alia confratemita anche estranei all' arte dei 

L'articolo XXXIV esprime il vincolo fondamentale per I'accesso alia con- 
fratemita: I'essere tedeschi e di nessun altra lingua o idioma. La nazionalita e 
quindi fondata solo sulla comunanza linguistica, abbastanza approssimativa, vista 
anche la lista dei 46 anziani che sottoscrivono lo statuto, che contiene anche russi 
e olandesi; nell'elenco dei confratelli allegato alio statuto si trovano poi numerosi 
scandinavi. Gli ultimi due articoli riguardano la competenza esclusiva dei giudici 
della confratemita e dei Marescalli della curia romana sulle faccende dei con- 
fratelli e la necessita di rimanere fedeli agli statuti. La conclusione dello statuto 
e un anatema su chi non rispetti le regole, in quanto offende non solo i confratelli, 
ma anche Dio, la Madonna, i santi Pietro e Paolo e i martiri Crispino e Ci ispiniano. 

Alia luce dell'analisi del contenuto degli statuti del 1439, secondo Maas la 
confratemita dei calzolai tedeschi puo essere definita come gilda, secondo la 
definizione della Cambridge Economic History, ma di tipo esculsivamente 
devozionale-caritativo, dato che non vi sono contenute regole sul comportamento 
degli artigiani rispetto alia gestione dei loro affari (prezzi, salari, concorrenza).^^ 

4. Nota sulla trascrizione 

II carattere neretto viene utilizzato quando nel manoscritto si usa I'inchiostro 
rosso. II carattere sottolineato corrisponde alle miniature. Al fine di rendere piu 

1 7 Maas, German Community, p. 11 . 

10 Confratemitas 12:2 

omogenea la trascrizione della parte in tedesco, la tz, t^ e 9 sono stati sempre resi 
con z; sz con 6. Le parole illeggibili o dalla trascrizione incerta sono scritte tra 
parentesi quadre. Le sigle sono state sciolte; non sono state apportate ulteriori 
correzioni al testo, che rappresenta una pura e semplice trascrizione dello statuto 
confraternale manoscritto. 

Opere citate 

Arthur de Waal, Roma Sacra. Die ewige Stadt in ihre christliche Denkmalern and 

Erinnerungen alter und neuer. Munich: Allgemeine, 1905. 
Artusi, Luciano e Antonio Patruno. Deo Gratias. Storia, tradizioni, culti e personaggi 

delle antiche confraternite fwrentine. Roma: Newton Compton, 1994. 
Delumeau, Jean. Rassicurare e proteggere. Devozione, intercessione, misericordia. nel 

rito e nel culto delVEuropa medievale e moderna. Milano: Rizzoli, 1992. 
Doren, Alfred Jakob. Deutsche Handwerker und Handwerkerbruderschaften in mittel- 

alterlichen Italien. Berlin: R.L. Prager, 1903. 
Gatz, Erwin. Anton de Waal (1837-191 7) undder Campo Santo Teutonico. Rome: Herder, 

Maas, Clifford W. The German Community in Renaissance Rome 1378-1523, ed. Peter 

Herde. Rome: Herder, 1981. 
Moroni, Gaetano. Dizionario d'erudizione storico-ecclesiastica. Venezia: Tipografia 

Emiliana, 1840-61. 
Noack, Friedrich. Das Deutschtum in Rom seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters. Stuttgart: 

Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1927. 
Pastor, Ludwig. Storia dei Papi dalla fine del Medioevo. Roma: Desclee, 1890-1943. 
Rufmi, Alessandro. Dizionario delle strade, piazze, borghi di Roma. Roma: Tipografia 

della RCA, 1847. 
Schmidt, Aloys. Das Archiv des Campo Santo Teutonico. Nebst geschichtlicher Einleitung. 

Freiburg: Herder, 1967. 

Statuto delta Confraternita dei SS, Crispino e Crispiniano 

dei calzolai tedeschi 

(ACST, Liber 96) 

Inicium Sancti Evangelii Secundum Johannem Gloria Tibi Domine IN PRINCIPIO 
ERAT Verbum. Et Verbum erat apud Deum Et Deus erat Verbum. Hoc erat in principio 
apud Deum. Omnia per ipsum facta sunt et sine ipso factus est nihil. Quod factum est in 
ipso vita erat et vita erat lux hominum. Et lux in tenebris lucet et tenebre eam non 
comprehenderunt. Fuit homo missus a Deo cui nomen erat lohannes. Hie venit in 
testimonium ut testimonium phiberet de lumine ut omnes crederent per ilium. Non erat 
ille lux sed ut testimonium perhiberet de lumine. Erat lux vera qua illuminat omnem 
hominem venientem in hunc mundum. In mundo erat et mundus per ipsum factus est et 
mundus eum non cognovit. In propria venit et sui eum non receperunt. Quotquot autem 
receperunt eum dedit eis potestatem filios dei fieri hiis qui credunt in nomine eius. Qui 
non ex saguinis neque ex voluntate carnis neque ex voluntate viri Sed ex Deo nati sunt. 
Et verbum caro factum est et habitabit in nobis. Et indimus gloriam eius Gloria quasi 
unigeniti a Patre. Plenum gratie et veritatis. Deo Gratias. 

.Per evangelica dicta. Deleantur nobis nostra delicta. Amen 

Sequitur Symbolum Apostolorum de fide katolika. 

CREDO. IN DEUM patrem omnipotentem creatorem celi et terre. Et in Yhesum 
Christum filium eius unicum dominum nostrum. Qui conceptus est de Spiritu Sancto. 
Natus ex Maria virgine. Passus sub Pontio Pylato. Crucifixus mortus et sepultus. 
Descendit ad infema. Tercia die resurrexit a mortui. Ascendit ad celos sedet ad dexteram 
Dei Patris omnipotentis. Inde venturus est iudicare vivos et mortuos. Credo in Spiritum 
Sanctum. Sanctam ecclesiam katolicam. Sanctorum communionem. Remissionem 
peccatorum. Carnis resurrectionem. Et vitam eternam. Amen. Benedicamus Domino. 
Deo gratias. Articoli fidei sunt Incarnatio Christi Nascitur abluitur patitur descendit 
ad [yma]. Surgit et ascendit veniet disponere cuncta. 

EUGENIUS EPISCOPUS SERvus servos dei. Ad perpetuam rei memoriam lis qui pro 
divini cultus augmento et christifidelium honestatis conservatione et animas salute 
provide facta sunt ut illibata consistat cum a nobis petitur applici muniminis adiicimus 
firmitatem. Sane pro parte dilectos filios Senios magistros nuncupatos et universas 
personas ministerii Sutos de Alemania Romanam Curiam sequentium nobis imper 
exhibita petitio continebat quod olim ipsi pro dicti cultus augmento ac animas suas 
salutem. Calicem ampullas ornamenta libros et alia pro huiusmodi cultu necessaria suis 
propriis sumptibus fieri fecerunt et habent cum quibus per sacerdotem ydoneum quem 
ad hoc pro tempore eligunt in aliqua ecclesia civitatis vel loci ubi Romanus pontifex cum 
dicta curia resederit certis dominicis et festivis ac aliis diebus Missas et ali divina officia 
celebrari facere consueverunt ac pro ipsius cultus incremento et continuatione necnon 
eorumdem Senios et personas statu et honore prospere et salubriter dirigendis aliisque 
illos vite ac mos honestatem concernentibus nonnulla. Capitula unanimi consensu 
ediderunt et in illis inviolabiliter etiam sub certis penis observandis convenerunt 
affectantes quod ipsi et eos quilibet a quoscumque preterque per Romanum pontificem 
et Romanae Curie Marescallum eandem Curiam sequentium deputatoruum pro tempore 


12 Confratemitas 12:2 

Officialium et Judicum iurisdictione et iudicio penitus sint exempli pro ut in Instrumento 
publico desuper confecto cuius tenorem de verbo ad verbum presentibus inferi fecimus 
plenius et seriosius continetur. Qua re pro parte dictos Senios et personas nobis sint 
humiliter supplicatus ut electioni consuetudini editioni conventioni ac capitulis in 
Istrumento contentis robur appostolice confirmationis adiicere necnon affectui 
huiusmodi annuere de benignitate applica dignaremur Nos igitur huiusmodi 
supplicationibus inclinati electiores consuetudinem editionem conventionem ac Capitula 
predicta et quecumque inde secuta rata habentes et grata ea auctoritate applica ex certa 
scientia confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communim supplentes omnes 
defectus si qui forsan intervenerit in eisdem. Seniores et personas prefatos a quoscumque 
preterquam Romanae Curie Marescalli ac Judicum iurisdictione huiusmodi eadem 
auctoritate eximentes Tenor vero prefati Instrumenti sequitur et est talis. 

In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis feliciter Amen. Anno a nativitate domini. 
Millesimoquadringentesimotricesimonono In dictione secunda die vero domenica 
secunda mensis Augusti Pontificatus Sanctissimi in Christo patris et domini nostri domini 
Eugenii divina providentia pp iiii Anno Nono In mei Notarii publici testiumque 
infrascriptos ad hoc specialiter vocatos et rogratos presente personaliter constituti honesti 
viri. Michael Nicolai de Rusias Vlacus de Coczeuhufen Jacobus de Brandenbirch etc. 
Seniores magistri ac persone ministeris Sutorum nationis Alamanie Romanam Curiam 
sequentes ac socii et confratres adherentes eisdem omnes insimul nemine discrepante 
omnibus melioribus modo via iure causa et forma quibus potuerunt et debuerunt sano et 
deliberato consiUo inter ipsos ut asserverunt prehabito in omnia et singula Capitula 
infrascripta unanimi consensu concordarint eaque omnia et singula similibus modo et 
forma quantum in eis fuerat coniuctim et divisim approbarunt et ilia inviolabiter sub penis 
in eisdem Capitulis adiectis tam quo ad se quam etiam ad Magistros familiares socios et 
confratres futuros dictam Curiam sequentes dicte nationis Alamanie in perpetuum 
osservare velle et debere dixerunt Et quilibet eos dixit Tenores vero Capitulorum 
sequuntur sub hiis verbis. 

I In nomine domini. Amen. In honorem omnipotentis dei eiusque gloriose matris Virginis 
Marie ac Sanctos Crispini et Crispiniani. In primis statuerunt dicti Magisteri Persone 
Socii et Fratres quod Capella per ipsos instructa instituta debet sequi personas dicti 
ministerii Romanam Curiam sequentes Et si contingeret Romanam Curiam de loco ad 
locum transferij tunc predicte persone sequentes Curiam eandem debent Capellam secum 
transferire etiam si tantum unus Magister Apothecam tenens et duo servitores essent. 

II Item convenerunt et consenserunt ac ordinarunt et pro ordinatis haberi voluerunt 
Seniores et persone predicti Romanam Curiam sequentes singulis Septimanis futuris 
temporibus im perpetuum diebus Lune celebrari Missam pro defunctis. 

III Item voluerunt supradicti Seniores et persone quod quatuor per ipsos et eos consocios 
deputati debent singulis diebus Lune huiusmodi interesse Misse predicte sub pena unius 
libre cere. 

IV Item quod omnes et singule persone dicti ministerii infraternitate eos existentes debent 
sub pena unius libre cere Interesse misse in festivitatibus infrascriptis indelicet Nativitatis 
Resurrectionis domini nostri Ihesu Christi Penthecostes beate Marie Assumptionis 
Nativitatis Puricafitionis Annunciationis et Omnium sanctos necnon sanctorum Crispini 

Lo statute delta confratemita dei SS. Crispino e Cripiniano 1 3 

et Crispiniani in quibus festivitatibus Missa fratrum huiusmodi solempniter decantabitur 
et quilibet fratrum debet suam oblationem indicta Missa porrige 

V Item statuerunt quod in die Conmemorationis animas omnes et singuli persone et fratres 
predicti debent con venire ad officium Misse sub pena unius libre cere Et quilibet personas 
et fratrum debet habere candelam accensam in manibus ad officium Misse et post Missam 
seu conmemorationem ipsam debent provisoribus restituere candelam ipsis presentantam 
sub pena unius libre cere. 

VI Item statuerunt quod pro quolibet quartali Anni debet hinc fraternitati precesse 
Quatuor indelicet duo ex magistris et duo ex familiaribus Et lapso dicto quartali debent 
reassumere Tres novi provisores loco Trium antiques et Quartus ex antiquis remaneat 
cum Tribus novis provisoris ad informandum dictos Tres noviter assumptos Et isti 
Quatuor antiqui provisores debent facere rationes de omnibus spectantibus ad dictam 
fratemitatem sive ilia bona sint in prompta pecunia auro et argento et etiam ad dictam 
fratemitatem spectantia et ilia ipsis novis provisoribus presentare. 

VII Item statuerunt et ordinaverunt quod si contigeret aliquem ex personis et fratribus 
dicte fraternitatis infirmari quod ille qui predictos Quatuor Provisores deputabitur ad 
respiciendum infirmum fratrem et necessaria sibi distribuendum hoc facere contempserit 
sive recusaverit incidat in penam unius libre cere. 

VIII Item quod si contingat aliquem ex dictis personis et fratribus decedere tunc tenentur 
omnes fratres dicte fraternitatis sepulture dicti mortui fratris interesse Sub pena unius 
libre cere. 

IX Item statuerunt quod si quis ex fratribus infirmabitur ex potentia dei et non habeat 
unde sanitati restitui posset Tunc debet sibi a dicta fratemitate concedi medius ducatus 
Ad beneplacitum duorum suos fideiussos Qui pro ipso infirmo dabut cautionem de 
solvendo Et si contingat ipsum fratrem infirmum diutius in infirmitate detineri Tunc ad 
instanciam duos alios fideiussos debet sibi eadem fraternitas alium medium ducatum 
mutuare si autem contingat dictum fratrem infirmum ab hac luce decedere Tunc 
fideiussores a solucione sunt absoluti Si vero contingat dictum fratrem infirmum con- 
valescere Tunc dictus frater tenebitur fratribus dicte societatis pecuniam concessam in 
infirmitate restituere Si vero non habuerit unde restituere Tunc dicti fideiussores tenebunt 
ad solutionem faciendam. 

X Item statuerunt quod si aliquis frater infirmus aliquam ex fratribus petierit pro eo 
fideiuberi in infirmitate Ille frater qui petitur non debet fratri infirmo hoc denegare Sub 
pena unius libre cere. 

XI Item statuerunt quod si contingeret aliquis ex huiusmodi fideiussoribus a Romana 
Curia recedere Antequam fraternitati fuerit satisfactum sive infirmus decedat sive con- 
valeat Tunc fideiussor tenebitur alium fideiussorem loco sui ponere. 

XII Item statuerunt quod omnes et singuli persone et fratres prefati tenebuntur et debet 
convenire hora Meridiei ad bancum ubi soliti sunt convenire cum duobus Quadrinis aut 
eos valore sub pena unius libre cere Si vero comode aliquis venire non + posset tunc 
tenebitur per alium ex personis et fratribus dictos duos Quadrinos aut eos valorem ad 
eundem bancum mittere et dicti Magistri sive provisores sedebunt per unas horam. 

14 Confratemitas 12:2 

XIII Item statuerunt quod si quis dictos duos Quadrinos aut eos valorem ut profertur non 
solvent cadit in pena unius libre cere et si illam libram cere non solvent infra 
Quatuordecim dies tunc decetero + non debent recipi Quadrinos aut eorum valor ab eo 
nisi primo fraternitati satisfecerit. 

XIV Item statuerunt dicte persone et fratres quod si qui Sutor ad Romanam Curiam 
veniret et in eadem laborare intenderet et ad fraternitatem huiusmodi anhelaret et eiusdem 
fratemitatis frater esse vellet debet venire ad bancum in die dominico ubi fraternitas est 
congregata et se ad fraternitatem a fratribus admitti petere et ibidem + solvere Quindecim 
solidos monete Romane aut eos valorem Et si prefatiis fratres tunc non haberet unde 
solvere dictos quindecim solidos Tunc debet constituere fideiussorem qui in eventum 
non solutionis solvere teneatur infra Quatuordecim dies ex tunc imediate sequentes. 

XV Item statuerunt dicti persone et fratres quod si casualiter contingeret aliquem seu 
aliquos ex fratribus dicte societatis diebus dominicis in banco litigare aut rixare Ille frater 
qui huiusmodi rixam seu litem inceperit debet solvere fratemitatis unum florenum de 
Camera absque aliqua remissionem. 

XVI Item statuerunt dicti persone et fratres quod si aliquis fratrum quemqua ex fratribus 
in banco existentibus iraconde mentiri diceret Ille debet eidem fraternitati solvere + unum 
florenum de Camera. 

XVII Item statuerunt quod si fratres inter se discordiam habuerint Illi qui discordiam 
habent debent primo et ante omniam coram Quatuor Magistris deputatis eius questionem 
+ litem proponere et ipsis lusticiam ministrj petere Si vero ipsi Quatuor Magistri 
discordiam et litem huiusmodi terminare non possint Tunc unusquinqs poterit sibi 
ludicem competentem eligere et ibidem factum suum prosequi Debent tamen fratres 
discordantes predicti Sub pena unius florenum de Camera Primo coram dictis Quatuor 
Magistris comparere debent et non alibi et ibidem iusticiam recipere si iidem Magistri 
ipsis iusticiam aut concordiam facere possint. 

XVIII Item statuerunt quod si aliquis personarum aut fratrum predictos in taberna aut 
alibi se inhoneste in potu et cibo in societate Quatuor vl Quinque aut sex personas aut 
fratrem eorumdem habuerit et ex ebrietate evomerit unde dictis fratribus presentibus 
scandalum generetur Ille debet solvere unum florenum de Camera pro pena personis et 
fratribus antedictis. 

XIX Item statuerunt si aliquis personas aut fratrum videret huiusmodi enormitates et 
prefatis Magistris non manifestaret tenebitur solvere fraternitati unum florenum de 

XX Item statuerunt quod nullus personarum aut fratrum predictos debet ludere cum 
taxillis sub quacumque forma ludi taxillos dempto ludo tabellas Si quis contrafecerit 
debet solvere fraternitati unum florenum de Camera. 

XXI Item statuerunt et voluerunt quod nullus Magistris dicte fratemitatis debet decipere 
familiarem in pretio de servito Nee familiari debet decipere Magistrim suum in eodem 
precio Et si hoc per aliquem compertu fuerit Sive sit Magister aut familiaris qui talis 
repertus fuerit tenebitur solvere fraternitati pro pena unum florenum de Camera. 

Lo statuto delta confratemita del SS. Crispino e Cripiniano 15 

XXII Item stauerunt quod si aliquis fratrim alium fratrem in sua fama denigraret aut furto 
seu tradimento quod probare non posset Ille tenebitur solvere unum de Camera Et si 
aliquis ex personis et fratribus de fama mala furto aut tradimento covinceretur Ille de 
fratemitate repelli et ammodo non assumj. 

XXIII Item stauerunt quod non debet assumi in fratemitatem qui mala fama respersus 
fuerit ut predicitur Nee lusor aut Ruffianus. 

XXIV Item statuerunt quod si aliquis personarum aut fratrum easdem ex ira vel alio modo 
a dicta fratemitate recederet qui in libro fraternitatis fuerit scriptus si ille ex post in fratrem 
reassumi et in libro de novo scribi voluerit Ille debet solvere omnem pecunie quantitatem 
quam non solvit protempora quibus si frater fuisset solvere teneretur et ilia soluta debet 
de novo solvere Quindecim solidos Romanos aut eos verum valorem sicut frater quid de 
novo intrat. 

XXV Item statuerunt Magistri et familiaris dicte societatis sive fraternitatis propter 
bonum pacis et ordinarunt atque convenerunt quocienscumque contingat aliquos ex dicta 
fratemitate simul litigare et cum ad bancum convenerint pro lusticia consequenda tuc 
unusquisque debet factum suum et querelas proponere honeste coram dictis Quatuor 
deputatis et quotiens dicti Quatuor eutacere iubent debent tacere et ipsis obedire Sub pena 
unius libre cere quotiens rebellus fuerat tociens debet solvere si vero omnino tacere non 
voluerat tunc non debent pecunie sue recipi sed sibi omnino restitui donet a societate et 
fratemitate gravi obtinverit sive fuerit Magister aut familiaris. 

XXVI Item statuerunt ordinavemnt et convenerunt quod si fratemitati aliqua ardua 
necessitas imineret quam dicti Quatuor deputati discutere non possent tunc dicti Quatuor 
debent facultatem ipsis assumere pro expeditione huiusmodi dias exponis et fratris dicte 
fratemitatis Et si ipsi duo aut unus ex illis duobus per dicto Quatuor electi facere 
contempserint sive contempserit tunc unusquisque ex illis tenebitur solvere fraternitati 
unam libram cere. 

XXVII Item statuerunt quod quando fiunt oblationes tunc dicti Quator Magistri deputati 
debent antecedere et deinde Seniores fraternitatis sequi Et qui ex eisdem fratribus in dicta 
Missa quando oblatione fiant ante evangelum non fuerint debent solvere unam libram 

XXVIII Item statuerunt quod quando fiant oblationes ut prefertur tunc quilibet fratmm 
debet recipere a dictis Quatuor deputatis unam candelam ceream et illam incensam tenere 
in manu sua usque ad communionem Et illam ceream tunc restituere dictis Magistris sub 
pena unius libre cere. 

XXIX Item convenerunt et statuemnt quod si contingeret aliquem qui non esset Sutor ad 
huiusmodi societatem sive fratemitatem + assumi et illud petierit a fratribus ille debet 
dare pro intitulatione nominis sui in libro unum florenum de Camera et se in Quatuor 
temporibus ad bancum presentare et pecuniam consuetam ibidem sicut alii persone et 
fratres singulis diebus dominicis solvere. 

XXX Item statuemnt et convenerunt quod si unus de dictis Quatuor Magistris in aliquam 
penam ceciderit tenebitur solvere duplum ubi alius frater solveat simplum. 

16 Confratemitas 12:2 

XXXI Item statuerunt quod nullus dictorum Magistros debet tenere familiarem novum 
ultra octo dios qum ipsim ad bancum presentet Et Si quis Magister hoc negexerit seu 
contempserit facere ille tenebitur solvere fraternitati unum florenum de Camera. 

XXXII Item statuerunt cjuod quicumque fraternitatem predictam habere voluerit et in 
fraternitatem assumi ille tenebitur solvere antequam scribatis in libro fraternitatis 
Quindecim solidos Romanes Si vero non habuerit unde solvere tunc debet ponere 
fideiussores ad solvendus infra Quatuordecim dies. 

XXXIII Item statuerunt quod quicumque per eosdem Magistros deputabuntur ad 
portandum funus unius fratris mortui ad sepulturam similiter torcias sive candelas ante 
et post fumis teneatur portare sub pena unius libre cere. 

XXXIV Item voluerunt quod omnes et singoli persone et fratres in dicta fraternitate sive 
societate constituti debent esse Theotonici. 

XXXV Item voluerunt et statuerunt se non habituros alium Judicem in loci ubicumque 
+ Curia Romana fuerat constituta in si Maroscallum Romanae Curie et quod ad alteri 
iudicium trahi non debeant. 

XXXVI Item voluerunt dicti persone et fratres eximi et pro exemptis haberi ab omnibus 
aliis Magistris ministeri sutor et eos statutis ubi fuerat Romana Curia constituta neque 
ipsis aut eos consorcio intromittere vel subiicere quovis modo. Super quibus omnibus et 
singulis premissis Seniores magistri nuncupati persone et sotii atque confratres prefati 
coniunctim et separatim sibi ame Notario publico infrascripto unum vel plura publicum 
seu publica fieri et confici petierunt et quilibet eos petiit Instrumentum et Instrumenta. 
Acta fuerunt hec Florentie in anbitu domus ordinus fratrum predicates apud ecclesias 
Beate Marie Novelle sub Anno In dictione die mense et pontificatu quibus super 
presentibus ibidem discretis viris Johanne Kiifft et Conrado Floken sanctissimi dominum 
nostri pp. Cursoribus ac Georgio Westerborch et Johanne Corrigiatoris clericis Meteii et 
Maguntum dioceses ac aliis quam pluribus personis fidedignis testibus ad premissa 
vocatus specialiter et rogatus Et ego Albertus Ozen clericus Padeburnen publicus 
Apostolica et Imperiali auctoritatibus Notarius quia premissis omnibus et singulis dum 
sic ut premittitur agerentur et fiaret unacum prenominatis testibus presens fui eaque 
omnia et singula sic fieri vidi et audivi ideoque presens publicum Instrumetus palium me 
aliis ocupato negotiis fideliter scriptam ex inde confeci et subscripsi signo qs et nomine 
meo selitis et consuetis signavi rogatus et requisitus infidem et testimonium omnium et 
singolorum + premissos. 

Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat banc paginam ne confirmationis comnvintionis 
suppletionis et exemptionis inflingere vel et ansu temerario contrare 

Si quis autem hoc attemptare pre sumpserit indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum 
Petri et PauH Apostolum ei se noverit incunsurum. Datum Florentie Anno Incarnationis 
Dominice Millesimo Quadriugentesimo tricesimo nono Decimo Kalendas Octobris 
Pontificatus Nostri Anno Nono. 

In den Namen des vatters und synes engebornen sones und des heyligen gystes. 
Amen Lyben bruder beide meinster unde gesellen wissent das dis gegenwertige 

Lo statuto delta confratemita del SS. Crispino e Cripiniano 17 

puche ein ursprunck ein begynstems und ein anevack ist. In dy Regil der temutigen 
kinder unsers hern und schoppers Jhesus Christus dy da dyse gegenwertige schule 
und bruderschafft nulichen haben gebruet ordyniret und angevangen mit der hulfe 
gottes und auch myt ir suwern arbeit. Jn dy ere der gotlichen hochgelobten muter 
Marien di da was und ist. und an ende beliben sol. Juncfraw vor yrs liben kindes 
gebort. Juncfraw ym der gebort und Juncfraw nach der gebort. Und auch in dy ere 
der heyligen Martler gottes Sant Cryspyn und Sant Cryspyan di da uns der babst 
unser heiliger vatter Eugenius der fierde von syner genade und mit des almechtigen 
gottes barmhertzickeit bestetiget hat das sy vor goth dem hern unser armen selen 
vormonder und vorsprechen sollen syn nache dysem leben in dem ewigen leben. 
Und in dyser werlde unser Patronen und beschirmer und bysteter und offhalter 
unser vorgenante schule und bruderschafft. Dar umb so byten wir goth und syne 
lybe muter Marien und dy heyligen egenanten marteler das sy uns myt groBer 
andacht helfen byden den almechtighen goth das er uns werdick mache und uns 
sinne verlyhe tzu byden vor alle dy vorgengen seln dy da ab sin gengen in dyser 
gegenwertigen Schuster bruderschafft dy da von tutschenlanden synt geborn und 
bortick sollen werden yn unser schule und ym unser bruderschafft zu komen das 
wir uns undereynander also betragen das unser suwern arbeite und unser kleynen 
ghebettes. Goth gelobet sy und sin lybe muter Maria unser vorweseryn. Und di 
egenanten heyligen Marteler unser beschirmer Sant Cryspyn und Sant Cryspyan 
und das gantze hymelsche her Und das unser schule und bruderschaft also gebeBert 
und gemeret werde yn eynem solchen seligen leben das er uns lebendigen sundern 
syne barmhertzikeit derzige und auch syn gotliche genade und gebe den tuden 
verganden brudern ruge in rast yren nottorfftigen seln yn dem ewigen leben schare 
wir auch so bitten wir goth und alle engelschare vor alle unser nachkomlynge das 
er yn yngiB di genade synes heyligen geystes und [fr] under wise in solcher maBe 
das gottes lob gemeret werde und unser schule und bruderschaft gebeBert gottes 
dinst zu vollenbringen. Das verlihe uns Got der Vater. Goth der sone und Goth der 
heylige geyst Amen 

Hy nach hebet sych an dy bull dy da past oder babst Eugenius geben und bestetiget 
hat den tutschenr Schustern di da dem Romischen hofe nachtzihen wo sich dan der 
egenante Romische hoff sich nyderschletig ist yr bruderschafft und yr schule dy 
solle und muB nach der egenanten [r] bullen worte und gebotte auch sich 
nyderschlagen an dem selben ende da der vorgenante Romische hoff ist Unde dy 
beginneth sich in solcher maB an zu heben in dem namen Gottes 

Eugenius Pyschoff unde Babst unde vorweser der dyner gotthes Zu einer ewigen 
gedenkeniB Den dy da den gotthes dinst und syn ewiges lop zu meren Und der getrunven 
cristin lude ersamkeit zu beBern und zu bewarn unde zu trost und zu selyckeit alien 
glaubigen seln. Dy dynge unde geistliche werke di da wiBlichen und witzeclichen sint 
angevangen. Und das wollen wiz bestetigen mit unser gegenwertigen werdickeit des 
werdigen babstlichen stules von Rom Und dar zu ys bestetigen und dar zu legen dar umme 
an uns gefordert ist worde undemuteclichen an uns geheischen eine bruderschafft zu 
bestetigen von der temutigen gottes kinder wegen der ersamen wolgenepten vornemen 
und witzigen lutten Des gemeinen loblichen hantwercks gemeinlichen aller der tutschen 
dy da schuster hantwerk triben und von tutschenlanden geborn synt Sunder den dy dem 
Romischen hofe nachzihen und folgende sint wo er sich nydersclecht Nu ist uns nuelichen 

18 Confratemitas 12:2 

worden vorgeleit mit dysen hy nachgeschriben worten. Wy das dy vorgenanten Schuster 
beyd meinster und gesellen von des egedachten lops des cristin glauben zu mern Unserm 
scioppher zu eren und iren torftigen seln zu hulff und zu trost haben tune machen und 
vollebracht beide kellich und meB kennelin zu dern win und zu dem waBer und bucher 
und ander gezirde sunder dy man dy heiligeB dinge und das gotlich ampt nicht 
vollenbringen mack des haben sy tune machen mit dem gewyn yr suwern arbeite und mit 
dem selben gewin sollen sy einen andechtigen pryster derkim yn einer kirchen In der stat 
Oder off dem lande oder wo dan der Romsche hoff rastet mit synem hofe und da sollen 
sy di sonnetage und auch an etscheiden andern heyligen tagen Messe tune halten und 
auch ander gotliche ampt nach yr gutter gewonheit kimtlichen und steteclichen den 
egenanten gottes dinste und das heilige ampt zu vollenbringen und zu meren Auch [me] 
der nachgeschriben Altern und der [manestate] und ere frischlichen und witzeclichen und 
wollen sy torsten unde bestetigen in yrem guten vorsatz und richten in ein selges leben 
yr guten sytten. Auch wollen wir ansehen etliche capitel und gesetze und ordenunge dy 
da dy egenanten Meinster und gesellen mit gutten mute und mit gantzem willen und mit 
einem gemeynen rade gemacht und gesetzet und ordinyret haben und begeren an uns der 
vorgenemten capitel [z] und ordenenunge eine besteteniB under etlichen buBe und pyne 
as nu nyderbas in den egenanten capitteln wolleclichen geschriben ist. 

Und di capittel und dy ordenunge gebiten wir und wollen das manlich beide Meinster 
und gesellen dy da yn dyser gegenwertigen bruderschafft und yn dysem gegenwertigen 
buche geschriben sint das eyniger bruder Meinster und geselle des vorgenanten Schuster 
hantwerckes dy capitel dy da gescriben sint an dem anefange dis buches yn lettine und 
dan hy nach kuntlichen geschriben sint auch in tutsche Und as dy vorgenanten vornemen 
Tutschen Schuster beide Meinster und gesellen das selben hantwerkes unde der egenante 
tutschen zungen und auch dise schul und diser bruderschaff sint oder midbruder wollen 
wir unde gebitten alien den dy in dy bruderschafft gehoret oder sint oder noch werden 
sollent. As dan an uns gefordert ist wurden und demuteclichen an geheischen mit grosser 
andacht. Also geben wir yn eyne ewige bestetenis und wellen das sy yren capiteln yn 
yren gesetzen und yre statute stete halten und ghehorsam sin by der pyn und by der buB 
dy da in den hynach geschriben capiteln offenbar und kuntlichen sint. Und auch so 
begaben wir sy nach yr begerunge das dy vorgenanten Tutschen Schusters beide Meinster 
gesellen und mydbruder der vorgenanten bruderschafft keynes andern hoffe gerichte oder 
amptluten di man dan setzet off ein zit dar keyner hat nach ensolle uber si zu richten han 
Sunder alleyn den Romischen Babst und des Romischen hoffs Marschack. Alles andern 
gerichtes und recht sollen sy uberhaben und uBgenomen syn. Besunder alle di midbruder 
dy da dem Romischen hofe nach volgende sint. AB dan in dem Instrument offenbar ist 
des wurt wir uB taden legen von eynem wurt zu dem andern alle vorgeschriben werche 
so wir voUeclicher und ernstlicher mochten aB man hy wol vornemen mack. Dar umme 
von der wegen dy da dy altisten vorweser sint und ander ersamen lute wegen wart uns 
demutteclichten gebeten das wir der derwelung und der gewonheit und gebue und 
conventis und capiteln di da in dem Instrument bewiset und derzeiget sint. Sa machen 
wir sy content und bestetigen yn dy gabe mit der krafft der pabstlichen r werdickeit und 
den willigen dinst gottes dem legen wir zu mit der macht unsers sciopphes und miltekeit 
siner heilegen Jungern Und darume solcher bede und solcher temutickeit Neigen wir uns 
und bestetigen dy genade und dy der welunge und gewonheit und samnunghe und auch 
alle di Capitel dy da vorgenant sint auch hy nachgeschriben bestetiget und beweret synt. 

Lo statuto della confratemita dei SS. Crispino e Cripiniano 19 

Und auch was zu solchen gottes dinst nutzlichen und nottorfft were das bestetigen wir 
yn volleclichen mit der egenanten auctoritat und macht der heiligen kirchen. Und disc 
gegenwertigen geschriben artickel deyln wir und machen den vorgenanten patronen und 
vorschen alien den gebresten der da von komen mochte under der Vorgenante brudem 
Fyrhern Meinster Gesellen oder ander Amptlute. Das ensol keynerley richter noch 
gerichte. Nach keynerley macht nach geystliches nach weltliches gerichtes solches 
gebreches oder krieges nit [ane] nemen nach underwinden nach [r] uber sy zu richten han 
yn keynerley wise. Wan sy sollen yr sache under in zuchteclichen und suberlichen 
sweygen und vertilgen. Und wan dy firher oder ander amplute dy da der egenanten 
bruderschafft vormonder sint an dy solche sacche gelaBen wurde. Und sy dy sache mit 
vertrucken oder gesweygen en enmochten. So sollen sy kynes andern richters begernde 
syn Dan besunder des Romischen hofes Marschalke der sol uber solche sache yn richter 
sin wan wir sy als andern gerichtes u6 genumen haben und fry gemacht. 

Hy nach sint gescriben alle meinunge des vorgenanten Instrumentes und begynnet sich 
in dem namen gottes also In dem namen der ungeteilten gantzen drivaltikeit Und eines 
seligen heiligen anevanges. Amen. In dem jare a6 man zalte von unsers hern geborte an 
tusent virhundert und nueunddriBick jare. An dem nunden tage des Augstmandes an dem 
zweisten suntage des itzgenanten mandes. In dem nunden Jare a6 uns uberheiliger vatter 
in got gekronet wart. Von den gottes genaden und vorsehenis der babst synes heiligen r 
namen Eugenius der vierde. Vor mir offenbarn Notarien. Und gegenwertigen diser 
nachgeschriben getzugen di da lyplichen mit yrem lib dar zu geheischen geruffen und 
gebeden worden und dar zu gesetzet. Dise ersamen manne. Michel Niclos (...) Dy eldem 
Meinster und manne und lute Schuster hantwerckes dy da geborn syn von Tutschenlanden 
und dem Romyschen hoffe nachvolgen sint wo er sich niderslecht und auch gesellen und 
midbruder gegenwertick disen hygeschriben dinge alle mit eine sunder keines mannes 
weder rede. Und in alle wise und wege form und sache so sy aller beste kunden und 
mochten und solden In einer gutten rneynunge uber ein worden under in eines gutten 
gesunden rades as sy da lange begert hetten alB vorgesprochen ist alle ding und meynunge 
Und capittel di da hy nach offenbar werden eins einigen wolbedachten synnes sich mit 
einander concodirten. Das alle dy vorgedachten dinge wyse wort und werke und sacche 
In semblicher wise. Also verre also sy sych vermochten und moglich waB bewiBten und 
bewerten und approbirten einer nach r dem andern eintzlingen. Und auch gemeinlichen 
alle mit einander. Und me Si sprachen und gelobten und vorhieBen beyd vor sich und 
auch vor Meinster Und gesellen und midbrudern dy da nu sint und noch zukunftick sollen 
werden. Dise Capitel und statute und satzunge sunder alien tzwifel oder schaden oder 
wedersten zu halten stete zu beBem und nicht zu boBern By der pyne und under der buB 
by da in dysen capiteln werden uB geleyt Und aB dy vorgenanten Meinster und gesellen 
und midbruder der schuster hantwerk dy da dem Romischen hoffe nach volgende sint 
gesprochen und gelobet haben und wollen und sollen Sprachen gemeinlichen und auch 
ylichher sprach bysunde dy vorgenante capitel stete und eweclichen zu halten. Und das 
solman versten und vornemen di schuster di da von tutschenlanden bortick sint und dem 
Romyschen hofe volgent wo er sich dan nyderschlecht. 

Hy beginnen dy Capitel an zu heben under dysen nachgeschriben worten. In dem 

namen unsers hern. Amen In dy ere des almechtigen gottes und siner genedigen muter 

20 Confratemitas 12:2 

der hochgelobten Juncfrauwen [r] Marien. Und zu lobbe und zu eren den heiligen 
Martelern gottes sant Cryspin und sant Cryspian. 

Wie das der vorgenante bruderschafft Cappelle sol alwegen sin wo der Romysch 
hoeff rastet. 

I Und zu dem anewange dis ersten Cappittels der vorgenanten tutschen schuster 
bruderschafft so habent dy vorgenanten Meinster und manne und midgebruder Gemacht 
und ordinyret gemeintliche mit Gesellen des egenanten hantwerckes und das yre Cappelle 
dy da von yn gemacht und ordiniret ist worden Sol nachvolgende sin beid meinstem und 
gesellen dy da dem Romyschen hofe nachtzihende sint. Und were es sache und keme dar 
zu das der Romysch hoff wandelen muste oder soke So sollen di vorgenanten meinster 
und gesellen und midebruder sollen yr egenante capellen auch mit yn furen und dem hofe 
nach volgen und beliben wo der hoff ist. Und dar das were das nyt me were dan eyn 
Einiger Meinster der da bottechen hylte mit zwen gesellen und dy sollen der bruderschafft 
und der schule recht beinarii in solcher maBe das got und sine libe muter und auch di 
heiligen marteler da von geheret wo den. Und auch dy vorgenante bruderschafft gemeret 

Wie das man alle mantage eweclichen suder ende ein selmesse halten solle. 

II Item worden sy eins und satzen und machten und ordinirten und wolten Ir fir firher 
meister und gesellen und midbruder. Das alle mentage zukunfteclichen Ein selmesse 
halden sollen eweclichen. sinder ende vor dy ellenden seln aller der bruder di da 
vorgangen sint und zu troste alien den seln dy da hy gegenwertig sint und auch zu hulfe 
den zukunstigen seln der Midbruder des vorgenanten schuster hantwerckes und besinder 
dy da dem Romyschen hofe nach volgende sint wo er sich nyderslechtig ist. 

Wer by der messe sten solle. 

III Item auch ordinirten dy vorgenanten Meinsten und gesellen unde das si under 
meinstern und gesellen sol derkirn underwelen fir bruder und sy setzen sollen dar zu das 
sy alle mentage by der puBe eines phunt wachs. 

Wy manige niesse man halden solle und zu welchen hochgezitten dorch das gantz 
jar den mantag uftgenomen und wy man opphern solle. 

IIII Das heilige oppher das da von dem prister yn der messe geopphert wirt das wirt 
geopphert vor di lebendigen und auch vor di toden. Darume ein ynderman wan er 
hermanet wirt von unser eltern Das di kumen solle zu den Messen und dy andechteclichen 
horn gantz und gar zu dysen nachgeschriben hochgezitten An dem tage as unser herre 
ihesus christus geborn wart. An dem heilige ostertage as unser herre ihesus christus 
offherstunt von sinem tode. Und an dem phyngest tage (as er zu hymel fure). Und an 
unser vorweserin und patronyn der zarten muter gottes und der hochgelobten 
Juncfrauwen Marien tag as sy zu hymel fur. Und off den tag as sy geborn wart. Und off 
den tag as sy geopphert wart yn den tempel. und an dem tage as si den gotlichen 
gruBenphynge von dem heiligen yrtzengel sant Gabriel von gottes wegen des hymelschen 
vatters. Und off aller heiligen tag. Und besunder an der heiliger r Marteler tag Sant 
Cryspys und Sant Cryspyans der da alle iar kumpt und ist an dem. XXV tage des Octobris. 
Und by den vorgeschriben messen sol man unserm scioppher alle ere derzeigen von uns 
alien mit groBer andacht sol man tune alle dinck by dem gottes dinst. Wan er ist da by 

Lx) statuto della confraternita dei SS. Crispino e Cripiniano 2 1 

mit groBer engelschar der da an dem krutze hangende [r] Was uns von der ewigen 
vordempnys as ein milter und as ein barmhertziger vatter derloset hat mit groBer lybe. 
Darume syn wir gottes kinder wan wir syn derloset mit synem turen blute. Darume sollen 
wir uns frauwen das wir einen solchen vatter ban uns solle [usns] kleinerlei arbeitte 
verdriBen nach besweren solle des lybes oder des geistes. Sunder Goth zu lobe und siner 
liben muter sin wir bereit zu alien zitten vor di groBen gutten werck Goth wider zu geben 
unsem werdigen dancke Ader ab wir nicht as volkomen weren das wir werdeclichen goth 
gedynen mochten doch nach unsem vermogen tune wo was uns muglichen ist und mit 
andachtigen hertzen lauffen wir zu der messe oder wo uns dan hyn gebotten wirt von 
unsem eltesten oder von unsern obristen. Wan warume Were Adam Goth unserm hem 
gehorsam. gewest er enhette nymmer eweclichen gesundet. Und Abraham mit siner 
gehorsamkeit so ist er geheissen in frimt gottes und sin same der ist von got gebenediet 
und gesegent off der erden und auch in dem ewigen leben. Darume liben bruder wir 
mogen auch mit unser gehorsamkeit den hymel besitzen Ist is das uns wir mit einem 
lutzern hertzen gotte dynen unser leben verwandeln yn eine besserumge. Darume uber 
alle wo man uns hin gebuth zu capitel zu der messe oder ander dinge zu tune da ensollen 
wir nicht wederstreben das wir dorch dise zitliche arbeit dy ewecliche freide haben 
muBen. Amen. Und das sol man haltenstete by der buBe eines phunt wachs. Und by den 
vorgenanten messen so sal yglicher bruder sin gabe opphen demuteclichen und 
wolgetzogenlichen opphern nache yr rechten gewonheit by der vorgeschriben buBe eins 
phunt wachs. 

Wy das man eyne gemeine selmesse alle lar singen solle zu gefatzer zit off 
allerselen tag. 

V Der hymelsche artzet der hat sich derbarmet unser krancheit. Und hat gesant synen 
eingebornen son By sunder zu herlosen und heil zu machen das da kranck und verdorben 
was Der hat mit siner gotlichen macht uns derloset von des bosengeistes dinste Und hat 
den zorn sines vatter herweilichet den da wir mit unser mysseltetten verdynet batten und 
hat uns den hymel offgetan uns dy umstemis der hellen versclossen Er hat sich auch uns 
gegeben zu einem. gesellen as er geborn wart Er hat sich auch uns gegeben in einel spise 
as er syn lestes eBen aBe mit synen Jungem Er hat sich uns gegeben einen Ion da er vor 
uns armen suder an dem heiligen krutze starp umb das unser ter bosegeist nyme geweltick 
sy Dan bysunder syner eigen creature geweltig und mechtig sye unser heilant ihesus 
christus Darume unser scioppher der hat sine creature mit nichte noch versmahet sy 
sunder sine almechtikeit di offenbaret er mit siner barmherzickeit und mit mancherley 
Solchen drost yn di er lip hat und der da gedulteclichen lidet vor uns umb das wir unser 
leben beBern sollen So meret er un di pyne yn gener werlde ob wir uns nicht bekeren 
woken yn diser werlde Und darume liben bruder So merken wir das rechte gericht gottes 
und sin wir stete und fliBick mit unserm gebette und mit unserm dinste Gotth unsem 
scioppher bittende vor uns und vor unser vorfarn Und as wir yn der warheit wiBen das er 
ist ein herloser unser selen Also MuBe er uns gedulteclichen vergeben und as keine sunde 
were vor dy r wir vergessenlichen nit genuck getanen hetten und das sy behallten wurden 
yn gener werlde das di got ya zu nichte enmache mit unsem gebette und mit den gutten 
wercken syner gerechten gothlichen libe. Darume so haben wir gemachte und ordiniret 
das man alle Jar ewecclichen sunder ende sollent zu samen komen beid meinster und 
gesellen und midgebmder des vogenanten nant werkes das manlichen kumen sol zu einer 

22 Confratemitas 12:2 

selmesse di man Jerlichen alle Jar halten solle wo dan der Romische hoff ist yn einer 
kirchen off allerselentag der da ist nach allerheiligentag und by dem ampte der gantzen 
messe sollen sin alle bruder und midbruder und meinster und gesellen yglicher mit einer 
brynnenden angezundeten wechsen kerzen in syner hant also lange bis das dy egenante 
selmesse gantz und gar volbracht wirt Und sol dan yglichert bruder midbruder meinster 
und geselle dy ubrigen gebranten kertzen den gegenwertigen schaffnern wider umme yn 
yr hende getrulichen antworten und wider geben By der puBe eines phunt wachs. 

Wy das meinster und gesellen denveln sollen unde yn alle vierteil jars iiii 
vorweser zwen meinster und zwen gesellen. 

VI Alle werk und ordenunge di koment zu gutte alien den di da got firchten Wan wo Goth 
der meinster ist vil schir lernet man das man herleret zu machen und zu stiften das sa 
unser sele selikeit angebort. Nuste uns by der da alle dinck un alle heiligen geschaffen 
hat und also komen wir rechtlichen zu unserm scioppher Dar umme libeni bruder 
ordiniren wir und machen yn dusem gegenwertigen [r] capitel das man alle viertel jars 
zu den quator tempern derwln solle under der meinster und under den gesellen der 
vorgenanten bruderschaft unde sollent herkirn unde derkorn werden Fier vorweser di da 
di gantze bruderschafft regiren und yr getrulichen besorgen yn dem dinst sin tzwen 
meinster und auch tzwen gesellen des vorgenanten hantwerckes und auch der vorge- 
nanten tutschen zumgen Und wan das vierteil Jars volbracht wirt So sol man dry nuwe 
vorweser derkysen ander alten vorweser stat und der alte vierde vorweser der solle 
beliben by den drien worden umb das der alte vorweser di nuwen underwise alles des das 
dan zu tune ist oder zu schaffen in solchem geistlichen gottes dinst. Auch dy alten 
vorseher dy solle Reitung und Rechenschafft tune den nuwen fier hern und vorsehem 
aller der dinge gelt und geltes wert beid golt und sielber Unde auch di sollent yn fordem 
und yn nemen was einiger man verwallwn were oder der da schuldig were der voge- 
schriben bruderschafft und das selbe sollen dy alten vorseher den nuherwelten vorsehem 
geben und antworten in yr gewalt volleclichen gantz und gar mit groBen truwen. Und 
wan sy im herwelt sint so sellen sy nicht uber flusseclichen mit keinerlei sachen betruben 
nach besuweren ir bruder Sunder sy sollent fordern was da zu fordern ist und sollen geben 
was da zu geben ist da ya got gelobet werde yn alien dingen. 

Ab ymant under den brudern krank were oder syche lege und wy man den 
kranken brudern tun solle. 

VII Vor alien dingen und uber alle dinck sol man sorge haben zu den krancken bruder 
wan unser herlant selber spricht Ich byn krank gewest und yr kament zu mir Darume wi 
offt ein bruder sych oder kranck wirt so sollen di fier vorweser yn besuchen und sollen 
den kranken bruder trosten. Darume so haben wir ordinirt und gemache keme es dar zu 
das ein bruder uB unser bruderschafft krank wurde das da ein ander bruder der da derwelt 
wirt von den vorgeschriben firn vorwesern der da den kranken bruder trasten soke mit 
worten oder mit wercken yn syner sychtum und krankheit und er da wider spreche und 
mit tune enwolte der ist auch vervallen yn di puBe eines phunt wachs. 

Wan ein bruder von todes wegen abginge. 

VIII Und were es sache das ein bruder under uns von gotte gerussen worde und von todes 
wegen abginge und storbe so sollen alle bruder komen zu dem hufe da der tode bruder 

Lo statuto delta confratemita dei SS. Crispino e Cripiniano 23 

rastet und lyt und sollen ordenlichen zwen und zwen gen den selben toden bruder zu 
sinem grabe temutlichen tragen. Dy sir vorweser di sollen auch warten und eben merken 
das dy bruder gemeinlichen alle gar by einander sin by der puBe eines phunt wachs 
yglichem der da nicht da by were umb das man dem toden bertzeige sinem toden lichan 
zuclichen und erlichen. Wan ys ist auch ein werck der wercke der barmhertzikeit 

Und wer es sache das ein bruder mit der gottes gewalt krank wurde und er ym 
selber nicht gehelfen enmochte von ubriger armuth. 

IX Auch haben wir ordinirt und gemacht und keme es dar zu das ein bruder mit der gottes 
gewalt krank oder sych [r] wurde und as arm were das er ym selber mit nichte gehelfen 
emnochte das er wyder zu syner gesuntheit bekomen enmochte So sol yme di vorges- 
chriben bruderschafft lyhen getruwer meinster oder gesellen der gebruder di da borge- 
schafft und sicherung tune das gelyhen gelt wider yn zu bringen und were es sache das 
der vorgenante krancke bruder zu lange kranck und swach wer So sol man aber drien 
oder fim zu libe warhaftigen brudern der egenanten bruderschaft eynen andern halben 
ducaten lyhen kems aber darzu das der vorgenante krancke bruder abginge von todes 
wegen So sint di borgendi da vor das vorgenante krancke bruder siner krancheit und siner 
sichtum genese und wider gesunt wurde So ist her schuldick den brudern der 
vorgeschriben bruderschafft wider zu geben und betzaln das vorgenante gelt das yme dy 
bruderschafft gelihen hat in siner krancheit Uns were ys aber das er nicht as vil enhelle 
das er das vorgenante gelt betzaln mochte So sollen di borgen betzaln di da vor den 
krancke bruder verheiBen habent Wir wiBen wolliben bruder das wir alle gar yn diser 
werlde gheste syn umd fremde und enhaben hy kem stetiges wesen nach zu beliben 
Darume liben bruder wircken wir dyse r werck der barmhertzikeit Das wir di oberste stat 
Jherusalem da wir unser wominge mit der herwelten gottes eweclichen haben werden 
und sichelichen begriffen r mogen. Ein seliges dink ist is da zu sin da da nymant stirbet 
und da alle freide gentzlichen ist und volkumen und da man an ende gewonen mack 
Darume ist is wol pillich das wir unsern brudern erlichen yr leste hulffe liplichen 
derzeigen das wir auch mit yne haben muBen das leben da unvegendichen ist. Amen. 

Wy das kein bruder dem andern verfagen solle borge zu werden in siner 

X Item auch haben wir gemacht und ordinirt und were das ein krancker bruder einen 
anden siner gesunden bruder bede oder [ym] anhypsche das er borse vas yn worder oder 
vor yn vorspreche So casolle der gesunde bruder der da umb di borgerschafft gebeden 
wirt dem krancken bruder dei bete der vorgenanten borgerschafft nicht versagen by der 
buBe eines phunt wachs. 

Wan ein bruder der kranck were oder eine andern kranken bruder borge were 
von dem Romischen hofe schedien wolte. 

XI Item auch haben wir ordiniret und gemachte und keme es dar zu das der vorgeschriben 
borgen einer von dem Romischen hofe schyde oder scheiden wolte Oder were es sache 
das ein krancker bruder von dem dem vorgenanten hofe scheiden wolte er sy gesimt oder 
syche e dan der vorgenanten bruderschafft genuck werde getan so ist der vorgenante 
borge schuldick und sol einen andem borgen setzen an [sinestati]. 

24 Confratemitas 12:2 

Wy ein ytzlicher bruder tzwen quattrine alle suntage bringen solle an dy banke. 

XII Der vatter der entreit mit di sunde der kinder nach di kinder di sunde des vatter Sunder 
ein yderman vor sine eygen myssetat gibt rechenung an dem tage des junsten gerichtes 
und as dy sunde abgeweschen werden mit dem gebet und mit dem almusen So sollen wir 
dan begerude [sm] des hymelschen riches von unsern armuthe got herweichen as wir 
mogen. Us Salomons sprechworten So haben wir nichtmt mit uns bracht in dise werlt so 
entragen wir auch nychtmt mit uns hynuB dan allem unser arbeit ass beheltet man uns 
off dy da gesan sint in den garten zu arbeiten des ewigen vatters Das gebette das da reme 
ist das kumpt zu hymel und das almusen das verleschet di sinde und got ist der der da 
den Ion git sinen dynern. Darume in dysem capittel liben bruder so haben wir gemacht 
und ordiniret das alle dy bruder dy da yn disem gegenwertigen buche geschriben sint 
sollen zu hauffen kumen und sollen bringen alle suntage twen quattrin an dy bank oder 
as vil das tzweier quattrin wert sy under der puBe eines phunt wachs Und were das einiger 
bruder nicht komen von entschhcher sache wegen So ist schuldick und solle di 
vorgenanten tzwen quattrin oder yre werunge mit einem andern der vorgenanten bruder 
schicken an di gewonliche [r] banck da da dy fier fierher nach mettemtage phlegen zu 
sitzen myt den andern [r] brudern beide meinster und gesellen eyne gantze stunde. 

Wy und warume man dy twen quattrin von einem bruder off sol nemen. 

XIII Item haben wir gemacht und gesatzet und were es sache das eyniger bruder der 
vorgeschriben tzweier quattrin oder tzweier quattrin wert nit enbrecht oder betzalte as 
vorgeschriben steh der ist vervallen in di buBe eines phunt wachs und were es sache das 
der selbe bruder das genempte phunt wachs nit engulte oder bezalte bynnen vierzehen tage 
So sol man vorbas me syner quattrin nach siner quattrin wert nicht me von den vorgeschriben 
bruder neme er habe dan vorgenanten bruderschafft genuck getan und wol belzalt. 

Ob es sache were das einiger man in den Romischen hoff keme und begerte zu 
traden in dy vorgenante bruderschafft. 

XIIII Der da nulichen kem in den hoff as da vorgesprochen ist und bygunde in dem hofe 
zu arbeiten und bygerte in dise bruderschafft zu komen und bruder zu werden und keme 
mit andacht vor dy firhern oder vorweser gegenwertickeit den ensol man nicht also schir 
enphahen sunder man solle alien bruder zu samen ruffen und sol in nemen mit synem 
namen der da unser bruderschafft begeret Ist her aber ein solcher man der des lebens und 
der sytten wol werdick sy der egenanten bruderschafft. Und auch so sol man yme vorlesen 
unser bruderschafft recht und sol yme sagen das her begrusse ein festes fundament. Und 
das ist ein grundfeste bruderlicher libe Und also sol er nach unser gewonheit opphem 
sine gabe got und syner liben muter zu lobbe und auch yn di ere der heiligen marteler 
gottes Sant Cryspin und Sant Crispian willeclichen unser schul recht das wir yn der schul 
notz und wo ys dan nottorfft ist gottes dinst wenden wollen mit fllBe und wan er nu 
emphangen wirt so danke er got und ensy mit wyderstenick mit worten nach mit wercken 
oder mit keinerlei sachen und was man schicket und schaffet der gemeine zu gutte. Und 
also beliben alle glider mit freden Auch sol der egenante bruder oppern und geben 
willeclichen in dy schule XV Schillinge Romscher werunge oder also vyl das da XV 
schillinge wert sy und enhette der egenante bruder nicht also vyl das er di XV schillinge 
betzaln emnochte so sol er einen borgen setzen und were es sache das er nit betzalte as 
vorgeschriben stet so sol sin borge bezaln bynnen XIIII tagen mit willigem mute dy nesten 

Lo statuto della confratemita dei SS. Crispino e Cripiniano 25 

di danach kumen. Und also mit willigem oppher und mit williger gabe werden zu nichte 
gemacht alle vergeBende sunde 1st auch das willig oppher das da willeclichen von uns 
geopphert wirt in einem einveltigen geiste und yn temutigen synnen Gotte zu siner 
barmhertzickeit ins der wecket werde willeclichen zu geben haben wir gesprochen. Wan 
ein oppher das mit willigem mut geopphert wirt das versinehet got nymer. Sunder also 
man lyset yn dem heiligen evangelio wy das dy blynden und auch dy hynckenden komen 
zu des ewigen kumes hochgezit by tzwungen werden. Also wollen wir auch das ein 
ynderman willeclichen und mit andacht si oppher und sine gabe gebe. Darume das uns 
got von synem riche und ewigen freiden nymme zorneclichen vertribe. 

Das kein bruder mit dem andern sich zu kriegen ensolle an der bank oder 
wo man der shul recht infordert in keinerlei wise. 

XV Goth der merer des friedens und liphaber der libe der bewar uns unser heilige und 
unser synne Das wir volkomlichen sten mogen geworzelt und begriffen ein bruderliche 
libe di zochte zu begruffen das sich got der herre nicht der zorne dorch unser aller my ssetat 
willen und das wir nicht verlorn werden nach yer yrret von dem wege der gerechtickeit 
Unser herre ist nichte des unfredens. Sunder des frydens in gotte. Darume sollen wir 
nymer gekrygen und bysunder an der stat da man unser schule recht infordert und sollen 
stete gedenckende sin des klugen sproches was di nicht wilt das dir geschehe das entu 
auch du einem andern nicht. Wan di yn nemer di werden nicht herwel dorch der phennige 
willen Sonder in rechter gehorsam dorch gutter wandelung willen. Uns as sy nu tunt Das 
wir auch also tune wan ys uns bevolhen wirt. Darume zu vetriben das bose von uns 
ordiniren wir und machen das kein bruder mit dem andern krygen ensolle uber alle Und 
voruB an den vorgenanten stetten da man alle dinck yn rechter bruderlicher libe reden 
und sprechen solle und sol auch nymer anders da gehoret werden da kein bruder nach 
mensche ynne gebosert werde. Und wer dar uber kryck machte an der banck da dy fir 
vorweser fitzende sind der vorgenanten schul recht yn zu fordern der ist vervallen yn di 
buB eines gutten kamer gulden sunder alle genade wan anders fuget dich nicht kemen 
unbescheiden zu straffen und eynen wilden zu beBern. 

Da ein bruder der den andern lygen hyfte an der banck. 

XVI Item auch haben wir ordiniret und gemacht und keme es dar zu an der banck das 
einiger bruder der egenanten bruderschafft einen andern syner bruder einen ligen hieB 
unzochclichen in zomes wise der selbe der da den andern ligen heiBet der ist vervallen 
in dy buB eines gutten [r] camer gulden yn dy schule der egenanten bruderschafft. 

Ob ein bruder mit dem andern sich zweyten oder mit keinerly ander sache 
vienntschafft under in betten. 

XVII Unser herre yn dem ewengelig gebut und sprecht also Ist is das du din oppher 
oppherist zu dem alter und du gedenkendel wirdest das din bruder gegen dir icht zornes 
hat So las din oppher vor dem alter und ge und berichte dich mit dinem bruder. Und dan 
so kome und oppher dine gabe. Und zu mercken ist uns darume liben bruder das alle zit 
vor gottes augen sint di gutten und auch di bosen und nichtzmt en ist das da vor yme 
verborgen moge sin. Darume mit alle Reynickeit sollen vor unser leben bewarm das wir 
tag und nacht gottes recht derfullen Alle unser wercke di sint nichtmt [ane] libe wan wo 
da libe ist da ist auch got. Darume enwollen wir unser gottate nicht verlym So sollen wir 

26 Confratemitas 12:2 

festehalten bruderliche libe. 1st is aber das der bosegeist zu schune und das etzliche under 
uns kriegeten oder gekrieget hetten und bruderliche libe under yn verloschen were also 
das sy unde yn fientschafft hetten Und yr fientschafft kerne und wurde offenbar So sollen 
dy selben dy da di zwerunge oder den krick under yn habent zu dem ersten und vor alien 
dingen gen vor fier meinster di da dar zu derwelt sint und derkorn unde sollent den selben 
fir meinster yren kayck und yr zwerunge vorlegen und sollen sy byden das sy bescheh 
wer das krieges recht oder unrecht habe und das sollen sy an ein guttes und an ein rechtes 
ende bingen Und wer es aber das di vorgenanten fir meinster dy egenante sache und 
zweunge mit mochten verrichten oder vollen den So mag dan ycklicher vor sich suchen 
unde derkern einen zymlichen richter und da selbs sin recht enden und vollenbringen 
Noch danne von esten so sollen di di da di tzweunge under yn habent vor di vorgeschriben 
fir meinster yr sache uB legen r und vorgeben und sollen besuchen ob sy is verrichten 
mogen oder mit By der buBe eines gutten kamer gulden mochten danne dy vorgenanten 
fier meinster dy egenante sache mt geenden enmochten So mag dan einiger man oder 
bruder syn vorteil und sin recht suchen by einem gemeinen zymlichen richter. 

Ob einiger bruder were der sache in der tabern oder anderswo mit ubereBen 
oder mit ubertrinken unzochtliclichen betruge. 

XVIII Item auch haben wir confirmiret ordiniret ungemacht und keme e s darzu das ein 
einiger bruder were der vorgeschriben bruderschafft in eyn ertabern oder anderswo und 
sich vergeBe unwuchtlichen oder der sich unzunlichen by truge mit eBen oder mit trincken 
da da dy gesellschafft der egenanten bruder by einander wern fier funve oder sechse oder 
[me] under der selbe bruder wider gebe oder unbeschendeclichen uBworffe Und das selbe 
den andem gegenwertigen vorgeschriben brudern schande brechte oder were oder zu 
schanden bringen enmochte Der selbe solle bezaln den vorgeschriben luden und mid- 
brudem einen gutten camer gulden zu buBe. 

Ob ein bruder sehe das ein ander midbruder uBworfe und sy den andern 
midbrudern nit offenbaret. 

XIX Nu haben sy gemacht und were es sache das da eyniger mydbruder von Dem andem 
sech soliches widergebens Oder uswerfens und das dan den andern brudern nit offenbart 
Der ist auch vervallen indi buB eines gutten Camer gulden. 

Das kein bruder der egenanten bruderschafft spelen ensol yn keynerley maB 
nach umb keynerley dink worffelspil oder hantspil. 

XX Nit allein des brodes lebet des mensche sunder auch von den worten dy da u6 gottes 
munde gent Dy sele under der lyp ist in eins gefuget Darume spiset sich der lib mit der 
brote Und di sele mit den worten gottes alle tage wan wir nicht arbeiten So sollen wir 
oder mit der predige unser sele spisen oder sollen mit ander gutten wercken uns bekumen 
das wir ia nymmer ledick sin wan mussickeit ist der selen [uyent] Aber ob das were Das 
einiger bruder under uns were das da nicht ensy der da nicht enmocht nach einvoltel yn 
den vorgenanten wercken sich beckumern doch so sol er frumen und gutten bispiln gende 
sin das er nicht sy ein egerimge den andern nach ein gespotte Und ist das er eyne orsach 
vorsich neme und wolte ia muBick [sn] der ensol doch icht der worselspien r nach ander 
getusche triben wan es zimpt mit nichte unsern selen Darume yn disen gegenwertigen 
capitel ordinircn wir und machen das kein bruder mit dem andern spelen enselle der 

Lo statute delta confratemita del SS. Crispino e Cripiniano 27 

worffel nach ander keinerlei hantspyl Nach umb gelt Nach umb win Nach umb kein dinck 
mit nicht sunder uBgenomen das bretspil by der puBe eines gutten kamer gulden zu ydem 
male das er da begriffen worde. Auch liben der wir sollen nicht begemde sin boser dynge 
Also spricht der heilige herre Sant Paulus und mit rechte haben wir das zu tune wan von 
guten kumpt ya guttes unde von dem bosen kumpt ya boB an dem ende Allen unsem 
willen den der herfuUe dy genade des heiligen geistes Und den bosen [wr] satze den 
vertibe der almechtigen gottes und der oberste fryde uber uns sich mere und uns hutten 
und sollen vor aller boBheit uns bewarn Dar umb yn disem gegenwertigen capitel 
Ordiniren wir und mache Das kein bruder under uns diser vorgenanten bruderschafft 
Offenbar oder heymelichen Nach mit [orlop] keynes mannes nach keins vorwesers nach 
ampt mannes spilen ensolle bi den sulen nach off keinem platze oder da is nicht zunlichen 
ist Noch mit worseln Nach mit keynerlei hantspil under es auch das einer sunden worde 
von einem andern bruder das er des phege uns alien r zu schanden und nicht zu hant 
komen enwolte vor di fir vorweser das er is yn [satge] biligen so sollent sy beyde der 
vorgenanten buBe eines gutten kamer gulten gezocht iget werden das sol man vernemen 
das da ylicher einen gulden sol bezaln vor sich selber biB zu dem dritten mal und zu dein 
virden male Ist is das sy begriffen werden So sol man sy verwerffen uB unser bruder- 
schafft all an alien enden also lange das sy sich demutigen und sich demuteclichen vor 
alien brudern derkennen und barmhertzikeit von yn emphahen Nicht ensol man si zu uns 
ewicklichen gesellen. 

Das kein Meinster sinen knecht Nach der knecht sinen meinster leichen ensolle. 

XXI Noch haben wir gemacht und ordinirt und enwollen auch nicht das keiner der 
Meinster der egenanten bruderschafft sinen knecht oder sinen gesellen leiche oder betrige 
siner arbeit oder sines lones Auch enwollen wir nicht das der knecht oder geselle keinen 
meinster enleiche nach betrige in keinerlei wise und ob man des von keinem ynnen worde 
Er sy meinster knecht oder geselle Der ist vellig yn dy buBe eines gutten kamer gulden. 

Wie ob ein bruder den andern einen diep oder einen verreder oder sust nit 
[fruom] hys. 

XXII Under aller boBheit ist keine nicht groBer dan di tyberie Und darume aller meinste 
sollen wir uns hutten das keiner under uns begriffen werde yn der selben boBheit und 
were das da Goth vor sy das ymant der ein solcher were under uns und begriffen worde 
dem sollen di fier vorweser vorsich tune ruffen und vor di gantze gemeine der 
vorgenanten bruderschafft und vor den alien sol er gestrafft und bestessen werden umb 
dy egenante sache und boBheit und ist is das er mit gutter gezuckniB sich reyniget und 
an der boBheit dy yme offgeleit ist nicht schuldick en yst so sollen sich di bruder trosten 
irs bruder gerechtickeit r und sollen mit grossem lobbe danckende sin unsem scioppher 
Aber mag er nicht sine gerechtikeit bewisen und wirt sunden in eyner dyberie An alle 
hoffenunge wider zu komen sol man yn us unser bruderschafft triben Nu und [ymerine] 
zu uns zu komen Wan es ist geschriben werfent das bose von uch und byllichen ist is zu 
werffen das bose von uns und auch mit der wortzeln Wan wir haben di reyne und di klare 
vorweserin di Junckfrawe offnympt und zu der ewigen freide mit alien eren frolichen 
bringet. Unde were es sache das da einiger der egenanten bruder einen andern bruder zu 
schanden wolte machen mit diberie oder mit verretenis oder mit andem scheinlichen und 
unerlichen sachen Und dar selbe das nicht bewisen enmochte der ist vervallen in di buBe 

28 Confratemitas 12:2 

und sol betzaln der vorgenanten bruderschafft einen gutten kamer gulden. Auch were 
sache das einiger bruder der vorgenanten bruderschafft und vorbas [me] solman den 
selben man nicht [me] zu uns gesellen yn keinerlei wise. 

Wer da in di vorgenante schule nicht ist off zu nemen mit nichte. 

XXIII Item auch haben wir gemacht und ordinirt das keinen man sol in di vorgenante 
bruderschafft sol ingevomen werden die da einen bosen namen hab oder einen bosen 
[lumunt] as vor gesprochen ist nach keinen hantspyler Noch keinen ruffian. 

Ob ein bruder in zornes wir ur unser bruderschafft schynde und dan begerte off 
eincit wider yn zu komen. 

XXIIII Auch haben wir gemacht und ordiniret und wer es oder keine dar zu das einiger 
bruder der egenanten bruderschafft in zornes wise von der bruderschafft schyde der da 
geschriben were in der bruderschafft buche Ob der selbe man off ein zut wider umme zu 
genaden komen wolte umb das man yne widerume off nemen solte und in widerume in 
der egenanten bruderschafft buche schriben solte Der selbe man sol bezaln alle 
ubersessen scholt di er schudick wer gewest zu bezaln as were herstediges midbruder 
gewest und wan her das selbe gelt bezalt hat gantz und gare So sol er off ein nuwes betzaln 
XV schillinge Romische werunge oder also vil r das der selben XV schillinge wert 
sy So sol man yn dan yn schriben und offnemen as einen bruder der da nuwelichen 

Wy einiger bruder an der bank sin recht sol zochteclichen sol vorlegen und sol 
swigen wan man yn swigen heiBet. 

XXV Auch haben wir ordinirt und gemacht umb guttes fryden willen As oft un as dicke 
as es dar zu kemne Das etliche Meinster oder gesellen der egedachten bruderschaft mit 
eine ein tzweininge hetten Und wan sy zu der bank kumende sint yr recht zu suchen So 
solle ycklicker sine sache oder siner krick zuchteclichen wir legen vor di vorgeschriben 
fier vorschem di da dar zu herwelet und der korn sint Und as offt und as dicke as di 
vergeschriben fiir vorweser einen swigen heifient so sol er yn gehorchen und gehosam 
sin und undertenick und sol demuteclichen swigen by der buBe eines phunt wachs und 
also dicke und also vil und as offt as er nicht swigen enwolte. Also offt und as dick as er 
nicht swigen enwille As offt und also alle mal und were es das er uber alle mit swigen 
enwolte so sol man yme syn gelt versmahen und ensolle nichs mit von ymme nemen und 
ymme sin gelt wider geben und vorgenanten bruderschafft genade syner ungezogenheit 
emphangen hat er sy meinster oder geselle. 

Ob der egenanten bruderschafft ichts widerfure das da hart were uB zu richten. 

XXVI Auch haben wir gemacht ob es dar zu keme da der almechtige got vor sy Das der 
egenanten bruderschafft erwas notliches ungluckes wederfure das da dy vorgeschriben 
vorweser nicht gesweigen nach geleschen enmochten So sollent di vorgeschriben fier 
vorweser macht und gewalt han zu yn zu nemen y wen an der manne und gebruder der 
vorgenanten bruderschafft solche nottofft [vs] zu richten und were es sache das si 
egenanten twen si da si fier vorweser derkorn haben dar widersprechen und des dinges 
nicht undertenich wolten sin solche sache zu vertrucken und zu vertilgen Der ist yglicher 
verwallwn yn dy buBe eines phunt wachs. 

Lo statuto delta confratemita dei SS. Crispino e Cripiniano 29 

Wy man zu oppher sol gen wer vor solle gen und wer nach. 

XXVII Auch haben wir gemacht und ordinirt wan man zu oppher sol gen Das da di Tier 
vorweser di da vorgeschriben sint di dar zu derkorn sint Di sollen vor [gentile] und dar 
nach dy altisten der egenanten bruderschafft Und wer da der egenanten bruder mit by der 
vorgeschriben messe enwere so man opphem solle [d edas] man das heilige Evangelium 
lese Oder singe di sint vervallen in dy buBe eines phunt wachs. 

Wy man by den Messen sten sol wan man opphem solle. 

XXVIII Auch haben wir gemacht und ordinirt das wan man opphern sol as vorgesprochen 
sit So sol ycklicher bruder nemen von den fiern di da daruber geseltet sint eine wechsene 
kertze Und dy sol ein yglicher bruder brynnende in syner hant haben also lange bis das 
das der prister unsers herlichnam emphengen hat Und dan so sol yglicher bruder das 
ubrige wachs von den vorgenanten kertzen den fierem vorgenanten mannen getriwelichen 
widerume antworten alle zu mal und wer des nicht endette der ist vervallen in dy buBe 
eines phunt wachs. 

Wy dy fyr vorweser sollen betzaln wan si verwallen synt zwoveltige buBe. 

XXIX Auch haben wir gemacht und geordinirt und kerne es dar zu das der egenanten 
fier vorweser einer sich veruyle oder verwallen were yn eine buBe der selbe der sol und 
muBe zwovache pyne unde buB bezaln So ein ander bruder mit [me] bezalt dan eine buB 
und eine pine. 

Wy das man dy gesellen di da nuwelichen koment an dy bank sol furen. 

XXX Auch haben wir gemacht und ordinirt das keiner der vorgenanten meinster keinen 
nuwen knecht oder gesellen moge gesetzen nach gehalten langer dan acht tage Und dan 
so sol er yn an di bank antworten Und welcher meinster des vorgeB zu tune oder 
versichichen nicht tune enwolte der ist schuldick und sol bezalen der egenanten bruder- 
schafft einen guten kamer gulden zu buBe. 

Ob einiger mensche der da nicht schuster hantewerkes were und begerte yn di 
vorgenante bruderschafft zu komen. 

XXXI Auch haben wir gemachte und ordinirt und were es sache das man einiger 
menschen offnen yn di egenante bruderschafft der da schuster hantwerckes nicht enwere 
und er genade hysche und begerre an [d] egenanten bruder Der selbe yn zu kumen sol 
geben und bezaln umb das man yme sinen namen schribe In der egeschriben bruderschafft 
buche Einen gutten kamer gulden und sol sich [ale frofasten] antworten und offenbam 
an di egenante banck da di andern vorgenanten bruder alle suntage yr gewonliches 
wochen gelt bezaln Und da sol er auch das sine bezaln also gewoclichen ist da zu tune. 

Keme es das ymant begeret yn di vorgenante bruderschafft zu komen und 
midbruder zu sine. 

XXXII Item auch haben wir ordiniret und gemacht und keme es dar zu das ein menschen 
begeret yn di egenante bruderschafft zu komen midbruder zu syne yn genomen zu werden 
Der selbe ist schuldig und sol bezaln [ze] das man yn yn der vorgenanten bruderschafft 
buche ynschribe XV schillinge Romischer werunge und were es das er dy selben XV 

30 Confratemitas 12:2 

schilling nit enbette zu bezaln so sol er borgen setzen di da vor yn bezaln bynnen XIIII 
tagen di nechsten di da zukunftig sint. 

Wer da derkorn wirt di bare zu tragen di torschen oder kerzen oder ander ding 
zu tune. 

XXXIII Item auch haben wir ordinirt und gemacht das einiger bruder der da derkorn 
wurde von den egenanten Meinster di bare zu tragen eines toden bruders zu sinen gabe 
Oder zu torschen sust kertzen vor der bare und nach der bare Dy sint schuldig zu tragen di 
egenante toden bare unde di torschen und di kertzen by der pynd und buBe eines phunt wachs. 

Wy das dy bruder der gegenwergen bruderschafft alle gar tutsche sollen sin und 
keiner andern zungen oder sprache. 

XXXIIII Item auch haben wir gemacht und wollen das alle di bruder der gegenwtigen 
bruderschafft di da sint oder [Iprin] sollen alle gar tutsche sin und keinerlei ander zungen 
oder sprache. 

Wy das kin andern sollen ban dan under yn selbs und des Romischen hoffs 

XXXV Item auch haben wir gemacht und ordinirt und enwollen nichte keinen andern 
richter sy sye dan under yn selber oder des Romischen hoffe Marschalke und ensol yn 
auch an kein ander gerichte gebotten werden umb keinerlei sache. 

Wy di vorgenanten Meinster und gesellen keinerlei ander zungen bruderscbafft 
wollen vorbunden syn dan tutscher sprach alleyne di da von tutscben landen 
bortig sint. 

XXXVI Item auch haben wir gemacht und ordinirt und wollen di vorgenanten meinster 
und gesellen der egenanten tutschen bruderschafft di da dem Romschen hofe nach 
volgende sint uBgenomen sin und uBgewimen heiBen und gehaiten sin und auch fry 
gehanten sin vor alien andern meinstem di [d] der vorgenanten schuster hantwerck triben 
Und enwollent um gesetzen umb yrn [sanren] nach ym capiteln [undertemgusin viken 
erselschaft] Nach yr bruderschafft midwesen nach underteng sin in keinerlei wise nach 
yme geselschaft Nach yr bruderschafft midwesen nach underteng sin in keinerlei wise 
uber alle dy dinge gemeinlichen di da vor gesattet und geschriben sint dy vorweser 
amptlute meinster und gesellen und midbruder dy da vorgeschriben und genant sint [adit] 
einander unde yglicher bysunder und vor sich selber heschen und vor wir offenbarn und 
kuntlichen Notarien und schriber as hy unden geschriben stet eins und [me] gebeden wart 
von den egeschriben Meinster und gesellen der vorgenanten bruderschafft dy da dem 
Romschen hofe nach volgende sint das ich yn ein offenbar sycherunge mache solte und 
hyschen und forderten alle gemeintlichen r und yglicher bysunder ein instrument oder 
etzlich Instrument und geschafft yn dan umbgange des klosters des prediges luden in der 
Stat zu Florentze by der kirchen zu Sant Maria Novella Indem Jare Indictzion Tag und 
Mande und Derwelunge des vorgeschriben pabsted as da vor kuntlich ist gegenwertig 
disen ersamen Mannen Johan Kyfft. Und Conrat Florecken unsers heiligen vatter unsers 
des pabstes Pauffer. Und auch Jorge Westerborch. Und Johan gurtler phassen Meten und 
Meintzer pystum Und auch ander vil di da einwerdig sint zu getugen di da bysunder zu 
den vorgeschriben sachen zu getugen geruffen und gebeden worden. Und ich Albertus 

Lo statute delta confratemita del SS. Crispino e Cripiniano 3 1 

Ocen phafft padebumen Babslicher heilickeit und witze Und keiserliche gewalt und 
macht [r] offenbar Notarius und schuler dar umb das ich da by was da alle di vorgenanten 
dinge gemachte und ordinirt worden [r] volkomlichen und ich das horte und sach So det 
ich dis offenbar Instrument einen andern componym umb das anders zu schicken hatte 
in groBen sachen und [fereun] muBick was in anderm geschefft Also in das Instrument 
getrulichen und wolgeschriben und vollenbracht ist So han r ich is hy unden mit myner 
eigen hant underschriben und gazeichen mit mynem namen und mynem gewonlichen 
zeichen As ich finden wart zu einer gezuginB aller der vorgeschriben dinge. 

Das nyment under uns burten mit icht wider dy gemeine satzunge sol sin by den 
den hulten di da hy nach geschriben sint. 

XXVII Alles das das yn unser Regelgemacht ordinirt gesetzet und geschriben ist das ist 
uns zu einer beBerunge geschriben und gemacht und nicht anders dan mit aller der 
vorgenanten bruder guttem willen ist is zu mal gantz und gar geschriben und sol auch 
von alien brudern stete gehalten (r sm) Darume an disem ende unser beschliBenunge 
wollen wir ordiniren und swerliche gebitten Das alle geschriben Recht gehalten sollen 
werden mit guttem mute und mit gantzer andacht und sy mit keinen worten oder wercken 
zu straffen Alle Artickel Cappittel und Setzunge und das keiner bruder Meinster oder 
Geselle des Schuster hantwerckes der egenanten bruderschafft Ordenunge wederrede mit 
einem worte Und ist das ein solcher denunge begerte wederrede mit einem worte Und ist 
is das ein solcher soUe uB der vorgeschriben bruderschafft zwei jar gescheifen si und 
nicht [ewidi] yn zu nemen er werde dan wol genidert vor alien brudern und behalte gottes 
r barmhertzickeit und siner myeden muter Marien und dar zu aller bruder der egenanten 
bruderschafft So sol man yn dan wider umb yn nemen und zu leBen. 

Darume so wollen wir nicht das kein man also ubermudick oder also 
geborastick sy zu wederstellen unser gemeinen temutigen besteteins und 
uBvemunge und fringe underbrechen oder swechen wolle in keinerlei wise mit 
worten oder mit werken. 

Wer der were der sich des anwolte nemen mit sinem ubermude oder mit siner 
hoffart oder gedorstikeit der solle wiBen das er nicht allem di bruder der egenanten 
bruderschafft der cornet hat sunder er hat auch Goth den vatter hymels und der 
erden und unser patronyn di Juncfrawe Marien und auch di heiligen Jungem gottes 
Sant Peter und Sant Paulus und auch di heiligen Marteler Sant Cryspin und Sant 
Crispian nicht mit einem kleinen derzomet [wanyn] zu lob und zu eren Ist dise 
bruderschafft worden der dacht und vollebracht und bestitiget von dem hern dem 
heiligen vatter Babst Eugenius der fierde In der stat Florence In dem Jare as unser 
herre Jhesus Christus emphangen wart und as man zalte Ein MCCCC XXXIX X 
Kalendas Octobris Et Pontificatus Nostri Anno Nono. 

Und dar nach sollent wiBen liben kinder und bruder under uch ob keinerlei 
dinck zu ordiniren oder zu mache enwere Das sol man getrulichen beschriben und 
gantzlichen halten das wir von genaden beholfen werden yn disem kleinen 
anvange zu einem groBern komen mogen und auch behalten ein seliges leben mit 
einem reinen ende Das gebe uns Goth der vatter und der Sone und der heilige 
Geist. Amen. 

32 Confratemitas 12:2 

Auch ist zu wiBen der bruder were er si meinster oder geselle oder midbruder 
de da mit worten oder mit wercken [dete] wider di vorgenante bruderschafft oder 
yr capitel oder ordenunge Der ist vervallen yn di buBe der heiligen kirchen 
unhulde [un] yn di vertempnis des ewigen todes und der ewigen pyne. 

Das ein yglicher bruder der vorgenanten bruderschafft sich soke [rev] einen 
[maloteu] tern aller mystiten alle Jar tun bychten und gottes lichnam emphaler 
ob er [sus] werdick. 

XXXVIII Is ist teit liben bruder das wir von dem schlaffle offsten wan unser heil das ist 
uns neher wan wir selber getuwen und gelaubet haben Dy nacht und di umstermB unser 
gedenk und unsers hertzen ist vergangen und der tag unse herlosunge ist nu komen 
Darume legen wir ab di wercke der umstermB und di [tath] unser bosen und unsers bosen 
willen und enphaen wir mit freiden dy geneme tzit und den tag der selden das wir icht 
begriffen werden mit dem tage unsers endes und wan wir dan geme buBe suchten wan 
[wn] sy dan yn den mochten Ein ytzlichen In unser bruderschafft der ist nu gewiBer is 
das er das recht das er willeclichen entphangen hat goth zu Hbe und siner mylten muter 
gedulteclichen dreyt Der da [r] aber wille synem willem dynen und will wider unser recht 
tune dein sagen wn hochticlichen das er von uns scheide das da nicht ein rudickschaff 
ein gantz hert verderbe Und aus alle unser wille und unser wercke von goth angeheben 
sint Und ane goth nicht mogen volbracht weiden Ein yglicher bruder sol zu einem male 
yn dem Jare sin sunte abweschen mit einer lutem [bichtc] und sol sich berichten mit dem 
waren lichtnam unsers hem mit rinern reynen hertzen das uns got von syner miltekeit 
under dy kinder sines richtes as di schafft des rechten hyrten mit der hymelschen spise 
gespiset siner heiligen geselleschafft geselle muB werden eweclichen yn [suinain] riche 
zu kronen und das unser bruderschafft di sich von goth angehaben hat auch vollenbracht 
were mit einem seligen ende So sollen wir alle wachen das wir nymer in boslichen 
wercken sunder in gutten wercken wachen muBen Darume liben bruder Ordiniren wir 
und machen das ein itzlicher bruder under uns sich bichten solle zu rechter tzit Gottes 
genade bittende ab wir mit unser menschlichen kranckheit icht weder goth getan haben 
das das uns von syner vatterlichen miltekeit abgewaschen werde und also mogen wir 
sines heiligen lichnams tolhaftig werden ader wer da wil [dortig] und [weduzeme] sin 
und enwil nicht undertenig sin diser ordenunge das er bichet und dottes recht bededen 
sol man us unser sammunge vertriber lange das er genade von gotte un von alien brudem 
behalten moge Ist is das ein manne vientschafft hett oder anderlei sache und wer es das 
nicht werdeclichen gottes lichnam emphahen enmochte Der sol sich doch temutigen wir 
dem prister und sol bichten das er moge gottes genade des da has behalten Dy andem 
bruder di sollen alle wol gebichtet gottes lichnam emphanen under der buBe di wir 
vorgenant haben [wari] nach der sprache des heiligen herren Sant Augustinus von Cristo 
heiBen wir Cristin lute und sin alle sine glyder was unser ist und muBen volgende sin 
unsem haupte nach das uns nymer gelaBen mag Sunder mit yme vereinigeth In sinem 
hymelischen riche. 

Wy dy dy da dy Schluftel habent in zu fordern der schule recht kumen sollent in 
di schule. 

XXXIX Der kunig aller kuniger und der herre aller herren vor dem beginsten diser werde 
Der hat geschicket und ordinirth alle ding und hat gesatzet einen tag den da nymant 

Lo statuto delta confratemita del SS. Crispino e Cripiniano 33 

versumen mag und hat abgeteilet di getruwen und di gerechten In das leben der ewickeit 
Und di bosen in di ewige pyn Dy apposteln und dy evangelisten und auch di heiligen 
lerer di habent mit andacht vollenbracht das da yn von gotte bewolhen was dy sint nu 
eweclichen getronet wan sy haben alien den dy yn volgen wollen mit yrem leben und 
myt yren Eyn gut bispil gelaBen eines gutten lebens Aber uns Icrancken luten uns swachen 
menschen beswert di funchte wan wir wiBen nicht oder wir werdig sin des zornes oder 
der libe Sunder nach dem trost der heiligen geschrifft [sm] wir beytende unsers herren 
zukunfft Und dar umb das wir nicht wiBen di stunde wan unser herre kumen solle Mit 
gutten bispil und mit gutter lere sollen wir wachen yn unser bruderschafft wan unser herre 
komen wirt und wirt an klopphen das wir yme behentlichen off tune zu dem male werden 
wir nemen as si getruwen dyner unsern Ion von unserm herren 1st is das wir mit gewin 
das uns unser (unser) herre verlihen hat Wider unserm herren antworten Darume alles 
das das uns von unsern altisten vorwesern bevolhen wirt dy borde sollen wir as von gotte 
emphahen und also mit einem guttem leben besitzen wir das ewige leben Darume 
welchen di schluBel bevolhen werdent di sollent nicht versumen unser frauwen recht yn 
zu forden und wan is nottorfft ist off zu schliBen oder zu (zu) scliBent sollent sy des nicht 
versumen und alle suntage sollent sy komen an di stat da is gewonheit ist yn zu [sbidern] 
der schule recht und sollent stete nach metteintage byn weckhin [gentile] wer aber ander 
tuth der ist vervallen yn dy buBe eines phunt wachs Des ensol man keinem nicht enlaBen 
eyner pemer und darume sol man in gottes dinste nicht versumenklichen dinst zu nemen. 
den Ion des ewigen unvorgancklichen lebens. Wer eine schluBel verhiret der sol yn 
betzalen und dar zu eine kamer gulden. 

Wy dy wechsen kertzen sollen sin dy man da geben solle alle Jare off unser lyben 
frauwen tag zu der lychmesse. 

XI Item auch haben wir ordinirt und gemacht und wollen das dy wechsen kertzen dy man 
phliget zu geben alle jare off unser liben frurwen tag zu der lyctymesse der da [...] und 
komet alle jar an dem tzweyritage das februarus und habent gesatzet und wollen nicht 
mit alle dar dy egenanten hauten dy man da geben solle off den egenanten tag r keine 
grosser solle sine eine dan dy ander wan sy sollen gelichte sin in einer groBe und in einer 
lenge das ist by uncien oder zu dem aller meinster by VI uncien und mit [...] und wer das 
gelut uber dritt oder brichet der ist vervallen in di buBe eines gutten kamer gulden. 

Fugiamus mundum [velud] mare profundum 
qui mundo confidit penitus peribit 
Mundi blandimenta secuntur tormenta 
Finite isto referamus gratias Christo 
Animam scriptoris protegat manus salvatoris 
qui me scribebat Eckardus nomen habebat 
Vivat in cells Eckardus Christi fidelis 

Thesis Completed 
(Abstract ) 

Gregorio Silanes Susaeta. Confraternities and Popular Religion in the Kingdom of 
Navarra during the Ancient Regime. Doctoral thesis, Universidad Publica de Navarra 
(Spain), 1998. Supervisor, Prof. Dr. D. Alfredo Floristan Imizcoz. [thesis available 
from University Microfilms International (UMI), N° 9999721, Ann Arbor (MI), 
2001; ISBN 0-493-09150-5] 

This thesis analyzes collective religious behaviour in the Kingdom of Navarra 
during the Ancient Regime by focusing on the kingdom's confraternities and their 
historical evolution, their introduction in the politics of Navarra, their different 
activities, and their relationship with the established powers (the Church and the 
civil organizations: common councils. Royal Council of Navarra). No such study 
had previously been carried out that took as its source the confraternities in 
Navarra, a region that had its own identity within the territories belonging to the 
Spanish monarchy. There were, however, partial studies on confraternities in 
Pamplona and many informative articles that proved useful for our research. We 
also benefited from research conducted from an ethnographic point of view. The 
existence of many studies on confraternities for other regions of Spain (Asturias, 
Cantabria, Murcia, Andalucia) and in other areas in Europe (Bari, Rennes, 
Vannes, Saint Brieuc, France and Italy in general) guided us in our research on 
confraternities in Navarra. 

We used two kinds of first hand materials, manuscript and printed sources, 
and gave greater importance to the first. The census of confraternities and 
fraternities in Navarra also proved very useful. It was conducted on the order of 
the Count of Aranda in 1771 and its documents are still available at the National 
Archive in Madrid. The thesis draws on civil court records involving confraternit- 
ies and other persons (Royal Court and Royal Council of Navarra), as well as 
ecclesiastic court records from the Diocese of Pamplona. Finally, confraternity 
record themselves were also used, especially financial and statutory records. 

The thesis is divided into three sections. The first is titled 'Confraternities: 
their types and their times' and contains a diachronic study on the phenomenon 
of the confraternities in Navarra as well as a typology. The second analyses the 
life of the different institutions and their main activities by examining their record 
books, their statutes, and their financial books. The latter were particularly useful 
in determing the confraternities' sources of income and spending patterns. The 
last section, 'Confraternities and powers,' examines the relationship between 
these institutions and the established powers, civil and ecclesiastical, by looking 
at the records of litigations at the different courts in Navarra. 

In Navarra confraternities are documented from as early as the eleventh 
century. After the Council of Trent there was an attempt to introduce into village 
life a more concrete religious life based on the sacraments and the liturgy. The 
Church eventually achieved its purpose, though slowly, by controlling con- 


Thesis Completed 35 

fraternities, for these were very popular in town and village life. The most popular 
confraternities were those dedicated to Our Lady of the Rosary. We discovered 
the presence of one such confraternity in every town or village in the kingdom. 
This makes Navarra similar to many dioceses in France, as far as religious 
sociology is concerned. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries many pious 
associations were founded in response to missions. At the end of the eighteenth 
and the beginning of the nineteenth century the number of confraternities in the 
Kingdom of Navarra decreased dramatically for a variety of reasons. 

PROJECT: Irish Confraternities, 1400-1700 

^e congratulate SCS member Colm Anthony Lennon, of the History Department 
in the National University of Ireland at Maynooth on the award of a Government 
of Ireland Senior Research Fellowship in the Humanities and Social Sciences for 
2002-03. Dr. Lennon' s award-winning project is for the first comprehensive 
survey of all Irish confraternities, with a broad review of their role in social, 
religious, and political life through the early modern period. The text of his 
proposal follows. Those wishing to contact him for further information can do so 
at: Department of Modern History, St. Patrick's College, Maynooth, County 
Kildare, Ireland, or at Colm. Lennon® may. ie 

The confraternity has had a long history in Ireland. Over many centuries, Irish 
men and women have expressed their sociability as well as their need for spiritual 
reassurance by banding together in associations of prayer and charity, most 
typically within the parish setting. Based on external models adapted to indige- 
nous circumstances, the confraternities or religious guilds came to flourish in 
Ireland by the fifteenth century. There were at least a dozen in the Dublin area 
alone, and in most other regions and localities these pious corporations also found 
a domicile. Their primary purpose was of an obituarial nature: the members could 
hope to benefit by their being commemorated in perpetuity in the prayers and 
liturgies of the clerical personnel. The confraternities also performed a range of 
social services including education, the care of the sick and the rehef of the poor. 
Before the upheavals of the sixteenth century they were lay-run, the brothers and 
sisters administering the property of the confraternities and appointing the clergy. 
Changes wrought by the religious reformations of the early modern period 
brought about a divergence in the confraternal impulse. Within the Counter-Ref- 
ormation mission, new clerically-controlled sodalities were formed to take up 
most of the functions of the older bodies. There was also a strand of social 
development within the increasingly Anglicanised municipalities that perpetu- 
ated the charitable functions of the confraternities within the setting of the civic 
parish. Although subject to major changes in the course of modem Irish history, 
the confraternal system proved to be durable and flexible in fostering a sense of 
belonging, especially in times of transformation and uncertainty down to the later 
twentieth century. 

The purpose of the proposed research project is to study Irish confraternities 
in order to distil the essence of their social, cultural and religious importance. By 
undertaking an intensive analysis of the institution of the confraternity in Ireland 
between 1400 and 1700, this project aims to divine a pattern in the adduced 
evidence for the crucial transition from the late medieval system of piety to the 
reformed and renewed confessional milieu of the early modem period. A neces- 
sary step will be the identification and listing of all the institutions (with their 
locations) that were in being during the study period. Also, the specifically Irish 
context for the evolution and growth of the confraternal system needs to be 


Irish Confraternities, 1400-1700 37 

addressed. The influence, for example, of the rich heritage of Gaelic religious 
forms upon the predominantly urban confraternities bears scrutiny, as does the 
impact of the sixteenth-century reformations in sundering the late medieval unity 
of religious experience of people in Ireland. 

The specific objectives of the proposed project encompass the assessment of 
the medieval forerunners of confraternities in Ireland, and the various forms of 
association connected with diocesan institutions such as cathedrals and religious 
orders, including the 'third orders' characteristic of the Gaelic world. A survey 
of the panoply of late medieval chantries and religious guilds will incorporate 
topics such as their foundation and membership, the systems of appointment and 
management of buildings including chapels and colleges, patronage, wealth and 
property, and links with trade and craft guilds. The changes wrought by the 
Reformation will be explored through an assessment of the impact of legislation 
on the system of guild piety and practice, and the fate of their chapels and 
personnel. Of particular significance is the continuation of the late medieval 
guilds in the post-Reformation period, the deployment of funds and wealth from 
the older establishment helping to nurture an alternative system to that of the state 
church. In the seventeenth century the Counter- Reformation clergy pioneered 
new types of sodality, embodying innovative devotions and practices, in which 
the laity had much less of a controlling influence, but of equal importance will be 
an investigation in the context of this institutional change of the implementation 
of welfare measures to deal with problems of poverty and deprivation in the 
municipalities which were increasingly Protestant-dominated. Key issues con- 
cerning conflicts of jurisdiction between the clergy and laity, the churches and 
the civic corporations, and secular and regular clergy that were raised during the 
seventeenth century and persisted into later periods will also be addressed. 

The sources for the proposed research project will be multifarious, and the 
methodology will draw upon a number of disciplines. Gaelic literature will be a 
rich source for quasi-confratemal cults and devotions in the middle ages. Espe- 
cially for the earlier periods, archaeological, architectural and iconographical 
evidence will be adduced to reconstruct the world of the early religious guilds 
and chantry chapels. The recent project for the restoration of St Anne's guild 
chapel in St Audoen's church, Dublin, for which I was historical consultant, 
provides a useful model. For some of the late medieval institutions such as St 
Anne's guild, and also Christ Church cathedral confraternity, Dublin, the written 
records are comparatively voluminous, and for the rest, the scattered documenta- 
tion for the late medieval period including wills, deeds, leases and institutional 
records will be collated. An evaluation of the impact of religious reforms within 
this pre-Reformation framework, centring on the crucial factor of the failure of 
the now-Protestant regime formally to abolish the late medieval confratemal 
system, will adduce records of the central administrations of state and church as 
a counterweight to those of local institutions and individuals. For the post-Refor- 
mation period, the sources are more plentiful as the Anglican parishes became 
more proficient at record keeping, and in this connection the transmutation of 
some of the confratemal forms of charity into municipal welfare schemes will be 

38 Confratemitas 12:2 

examined. For the Counter- Reformation, the documents of the religious orders, 
such as the Society of Jesus, Dominicans, Franciscans and Carmelites, contain 
much information on the new-style confraternities, as do those of the newly 
settled CathoHc episcopate which fostered devotional and social forms of com- 
munion in its mission of renewal. 

The proposed project interfaces with current studies in early modern society, 
culture and religion. Under the aegis of the Society for Confraternity Studies in 
Toronto, which publishes the journal Confratemitas, the study of confraternities 
in many countries has been greatly advanced through the application of sophisti- 
cated methodologies. The investigations have incorporated not just the religious 
beliefs underpinning the confraternity movement but also artistic, musical and 
ritualistic aspects which played a major role in the pageantry of European life. 
Also, most crucially, the agenda has included an assessment of the role of 
confraternities and sodalities in the evolution of modem welfare policies deahng 
with poverty, illness and underprivilege. There are herein potentially productive 
possibilities offered for a comparative approach. 

Although relatively little scholarly attention has been focussed on Irish 
confraternities to date, suggestive lines of enquiry have opened out in the past 
decade and a half in the field of early modem Irish social and religious history to 
form a backdrop to the proposed project. My own work on the impact of the 
Protestant and Catholic Reformations on the Dublin and Limerick patriciates has 
been complemented by studies of society and religion in other regions and 
localities. Recent studies of popular religious beliefs and attitudes among the 
communities in early modern Ireland will provide a context for the examination 
of confratemal practice there. 

Current debates about the formation of confessional identities in early 
modem Ireland have drawn upon research into the impact of religious and social 
changes upon the communities of natives and newcomers in Ireland. The guild 
system, with its religious component, was one of the salient unifying and bonding 
forces before the divisions of the sixteenth century occurred. It is in this setting 
that I have already investigated the fate of the Dublin religious guilds during the 
Reformation, undertaken a case-study of St Anne's in Dublin, and probed the 
emergence of a system of welfare in the sixteenth-century Irish towns with their 
inherited corporatist mentalities. Against the background of confessional diver- 
gence and religious division, it is worth studying the extent to which the confrater- 
nal impulse survived as a component of this corporatist spirit among the borough 
populations within, and perhaps transcending, the opposing confessional milieux. 

The proposed project will advance the study of a vital aspect of early modern 
Irish history firstly by giving a fillip to confraternity studies in this country. By 
bringing to bear upon the area the issues and methodologies of this historiograph- 
ical field, I hope moreover to further the consideration of Irish Renaissance and 
Reformation studies within a context that allows for more comparison and 
contrast with continental models (as opposed to British forms exclusively). 

Besides the quantification of research material for the efflorescence of a 
variety of types of confratemity in town and countryside, the project will have 

Irish Confraternities, 1400-1700 39 

the added value in thematic terms of contributing towards a synthesis of much 
recent scholarly work in Irish social and religious historical studies. Various 
studies of poverty and welfare in parish and community may be synthesised by a 
thoroughgoing analysis of the confraternities and their post-Reformation substi- 
tutes in the Irish towns. Accordingly a contribution will be made to the burgeoning 
field of early modem Irish urban studies. Furthermore, upon the groundwork laid 
for a more thorough investigation of the social history of the Reformation and 
Counter- Reformation in Ireland, the examination of the history of confraternities 
will provide insights into the centrifugal and centripetal forces at work within the 
confessional groups in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 

The study will contribute to the ongoing discourse on the subject of Irish 
identity formation in the early modern period. Various forms of belonging - to 
family and kin-group, to guild and to civity - were vital in the creation of a sense 
of individual and communal self-worth. The part played by participation in 
confraternal life in helping to forge cultural and religious identities is one of the 
objectives of the study: an examination of membership of new forms of con- 
fraternities and sodalities, and the changing role of the laity in their organisation 
and management, is important for understanding the pattern of Irish civic tradi- 
tions since the Reformation. 

More generally, at a time of potential disjunction between the present 
inhabitants of Ireland and their cultural and religious past, the fostering of an 
awareness of a crucial strand in the heritage of the country is to be valued. The 
proposed project would make a contribution in this respect. 

The award of a Fellowship would advance the proposed project by allowing 
the applicant to engage in full-time research for a year, during which the subject- 
matter would be divided into two modules. The first of these would be a study of 
the pre- Reformation period to be written up in at least two chapters. The Refor- 
mation and post-Reformation divergence within the confraternal system would 
be the focus of the research in the second half of the Fellowship period, giving 
rise to the composition of three chapters. The opportunity of presenting a public 
lecture on the subject area of the proposed project would be welcome as a means 
of disseminating research findings to a general audience. While the chapters 
produced during the term of the Fellowship would form a discrete study of early 
modem confraternities in Ireland, it is hoped that a larger monograph on the 
history of the Irish confratemity from 1400 to 2000 would be feasible by about 
2005, if grounded upon the research- work produced by the proposed project. A 
comprehensive database of all confratemal institutions, including chantries, col- 
leges and hospitals would be constructed and updated throughout the research 
year and thereafter to aid other researchers in the field. 


The Confraternities Collection housed at the Centre for Reformation and Renais- 
sance Studies consists of works donated by members and friends of the Society 
for Confraternity Studies. Over the past eleven years it has grown to be quite a 
resource for scholars working on lay religion and its ramifications in medieval 
and Renaissance Europe. As of this fall issue, Confraternitas has received and 
deposited into the collection: 179 books, 327 articles, 25 book reviews, 1 17 issues 
of periodicals, 4 theses, and 1 compact disk, for a total of 652 items. Our thanks 
go to all our colleagues who have been so generous to the Society and to the 
community of scholars. 

The Society is sponsoring three sessions on confraternities at the forthcoming 
Renaissance Society of America meeting, 11-13 April 2002, in Tempe, Ari- 
zona. The first session is organized by Joan E. Meznar and is entitled Con- 
fraternities in Colonia Latin America; the second is organized by Nicholas 
Terpstra and is entitled Faith Made Manifest: Ritual Celebrations and Visual 
Constructions of Piety and Charity in Renaissance Italy; and the third one is 
organizied by Jeffrey Chipps Smith and is entitled Art and Northern European 
Confraternities. The abstracts for the papers are as follows. 

Professor Meznar' s session on "Confraternities in Colonia Latin America" con- 
sists of: 

PAPER #1: Emma Maria Sordo, St. Francis University, "Native Participation and 
Cofradias in the Native Parishes of Potosf 

The institution of the cofradia (religious brotherhood) was brought from 
Spain to the Americas after the Conquest. In general, cofradias were dedicated 
to a particular patron saint or devotion in a specific parish church or monastery. 
The development of cofradias in the Viceroyalty of Peru may be traced to its use 
as an instrument of Christian doctrine in the hands of the clergy directed at the 
indigenous population. The religious orders established cofradias in their efforts 
at spreading the faith and Christian conversion. 

As in other areas of Spanish America, the cofradia played an important role 
in religious education, mutual assistance, and conversion of the native population 
in Potosf. Other activities were also developed through the cofradias in urban 
native parishes. Why was cofradia membership so important to the natives who 
settled in the parishes? What was the nature of native participation in cofradias 
and related cofradia commitments? To answer these questions, this study turns 
to native last wills in the notarial records of the Archivo Historico de Potosf. These 
testaments are in their own right valuable evidence of religious concerns, burial 
practices, cofradia membership, as well as customs regarding rituals, and deci- 
sions on alms and donations. 


PAPER #2: Susan V. Webster, University of St. Thomas, "Images of Identity: The 
Artistic Patronage of Confraternities in Colonial Quito, Ecuador" 

During the colonial period, hundreds of lay confraternities were established 
in rural and urban communities throughout the Audiencia of Quito. Confraternit- 
ies served as important instruments of evangelization. They also offered a sense 
of security and group identity for the many different socio-cultural components 
of colonial society. Indeed, confraternities were the only formally structured 
organizations that were open to all sectors of society. Many confraternities limited 
their memberships on the basis of race, ethnicity, or gender; thus, there were often 
separate groups for Spaniards, Indians, Africans, and women. Although the 
confraternities varied in terms of their advocations, membership characteristics, 
and devotional activities, they all shared one essential feature: the need for visual 
images. At minimum, each confraternity had to possess a sculpture or painting 
and an altar in a local church. Wealthier groups commissioned magnificent 
sculptures, sumptuous altarpieces, and even entire churches filled with works of 
art. Confraternity images were crucial to both the public and private activities of 
the group: they served as devotional objects for confratemal masses and prayers, 
and they were carried through the streets in public processions on feast days 
throughout the year. 

Given the large number of confraternities present throughout the Audiencia 
and their attendant artistic requirements, these groups clearly played a particularly 
important, but often overlooked role as artistic patrons. Although only a very few 
confraternity contracts for visual images have been discovered, there is nonethe- 
less a large corpus of confraternal art that can be identified by other means. This 
paper employs iconographic analyses, archival documents, and colonial chroni- 
cles in order to identify works commissioned or used by confraternities. As a 
result of their patronage, these works display unique characteristics that directly 
relate to the nature of specific types of confraternities. Such works embody issues 
of race, ethnicity, and socio-cultural status, and they also document the ways that 
confraternities visually constructed their individual identities in order to promote 
pubhcly their status and prestige within the community. The visual images 
commissioned and used by confraternities thus serve as important documents of 
the diversity of colonial culture, and testify to the importance of these groups as 
artistic patrons. 

PAPER #3: Joan E. Meznar, Eastern Connecticut State University, "Confraternities and 
the Struggle Against Heretics in Brazil, 1549-1650" 

During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the kings of Portugal and 
Spain fought to preserve Brazil from other Europeans who hoped to establish their 
own colonies in the region. The more serious of these competitors for empire were 
also heretics: in the 1550s Huguenots attempted unsuccessfully to establish 
France Antartique along the shores of Guanabara Bay, and Dutch Protestants 
seized Bahia in 1625 and Pemambuco in 1630. Shortly before Huguenots sailed 
into Guanabara Bay, the first Jesuit missionaries had arrived in Bahia. On a 
spiritual level, then, Iberian attempts to secure Brazil combined the mission to 

42 Confratemitas 12:2 

convert heathens with the need to curb the territorial ambitions of European 
Protestants. Brazilian confraternities, following the Portuguese model, were 
frequently segregated by race. This paper explores the concerns raised by Jesuit 
fathers who believed it necessary to integrate confraternities so that Christians 
could present a united front against the invading heretics. Once the threat of 
Protestant European incursions dissipated, however, so did concerns about excluding 
blacks and Indians from white confraternities. Brazil's early colonial experience 
permits us to reconsider the significance of New World confraternities: not only 
did they provide space for the survival of important elements of African and 
indigenous identity, they also raised concerns about racial (and Christian) unity 
in the colonial world. 

Professor Terpstra's session on "Faith Made Manifest: Ritual Celebrations and 
Visual Constructions of Piety and Charity in Renaissance Italy" features the 
following presentations: 

PAPER # 1. Nicholas Eckstein (University of Sydney) "Seeing and Believing. The 
Performance of Lay Devotion and the Urban Setting in Renaissance Florence." 

The paper will examine the way the urban laity in late fifteenth and early- 
sixteenth-century Florence perceived, described and enacted devotional activity 
in visual terms, and how the people's behavior was ritualized so as to create a 
'theatrical' performance that both functioned as a model for the population as a 
whole and reinforced ideas about the sacred in the minds of the 'performers' 
themselves. The argument will utilize confratemal sources in the main, but the 
argument will extend more broadly to suggest relationships between ritualized 
behaviour and the arts and the urban setting of the city. 

PAPER #2. Christopher Black (University of Glasgow) "The Public Faces of Post- 
Tridentine Italian Confraternities" 

While many medieval confraternities had emphasized secrecy in their devo- 
tions and administrative life, this changed dramatically in the post-Tridentine 
period. While secrecy was not entirely done away with, the public purpose of 
confraternal devotion became far more important, as a means of propagating the 
faith and preserving the faithful. This emphasis on public devotion took the form 
of new processions and parades, the Quarantore celebrations, and patronage of 
major public altars and altarpieces. This paper will explore how the notion of a 
public face to confratemal devotion became more important, and also how these 
cultural forms became an ever more central part of confraternal identity and public 
purpose in the decades after the Council of Trent.PAPER #3. Nicholas Terpstra 
(University of Toronto) "Show the Poor a Good Time: Caring for Body and Spirit 
in Bologna's Civic Charities" 

In the 1580s, the men of the confraternity that ran Bologna's Ospedale dei 
Poveri Mendicanti grew concerned that their female colleagues were missing the 
point of their St. George's Day procession. On this annual feast day for their 
enclosed workhouse, the poor were let out to circulate in procession through the 

News 43 

city looking for alms. The women had begun turning this fund-raising exercise 
into a celebration, beginning by commissioning flowers and ribbons that the poor 
could pin to their uniforms, and ending with a large feast with some delicacies 
that the poor could enjoy at the end of the day. When persuasion proved 
unsuccessful, the men used their authority in confratemal councils to ban the 
festivities as a costly extravagance. This paper will analyze the longer tradition 
(and local dynamics) of ritually adorning, processing, feasting, or 'treating' the 
poor in the three contexts of theology, gender, and class. 

Professor Chipps Smith's session on "Art and Northern European Confraternit- 
ies" starts from the observation that, although there has been extensive recent 
research done on the patronage and use of art by Italian and Spanish confraternit- 
ies, art historians have paid less attention to confraternities in Northern Europe. 
The two slightly longer papers in this session will offer very different approaches 
to studying the artistic importance of confraternities. Laurinda Dixon will present 
new research on the painter Hieronymus Bosch and his membership in the 
Brotherhood of Our Lady in 's-Hertogenbosch. Jeffrey Smith will examine the 
Marian sodalities that the Jesuits created in Germany in the later sixteenth and 
early seventeenth centuries. As part of their pastoral efforts to build Catholic 
identity on both the individual and communal levels, Antoine Sucquet, Jan David, 
Jeremias Drexel and other members of the Society of Jesus authored numerous 
illustrated devotional books. These sodalities erected and decorated their own 
meeting halls. 

Joelle Rollo-Koster has organized a session on confraternities for the Interna- 
tional Medieval Congress to be held in Kalamazoo, Michigan, in May 2002. It 
is entitled Confraternities: Devotion, Visual Memory and Public Relation and it 
features the following presentations: 

PAPER # 1 : Virginia Nixon, "Confraternities of Saint Anne in Late Medieval Germany" 

In the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries confraternities dedicated to 
Saint Anne were founded in large numbers in German towns and cities. Ton 
Brandenbarg in his book Heilig Familieleven (Nijmegen, 1992) has shown how 
the beginnings of this phenomenon lay in the efforts of Netherlandish and German 
Rheinland humanists who vigorously promoted devotion to Saint Anne by writing 
new lives, poems and offices, and by founding confraternities for which they 
acquired works of art, relics and indulgences. In this paper I will show how Saint 
Anne's cult changed as the confraternities (and the texts) spread into other parts 
of Germany. What began in the Rheinland, in part, as a means of shaping and 
controlling the piety of the urban laity, changed, when it moved into other regions 
of Germany, into a devotion whose aims were less concerned with ideology than 
with attracting clients and income in an increasingly competitive ecclesiastical 
landscape. I will use as examples the confraternity of Saint Anne in the Carmelite 
Church in Augsburg (founded in the 1480s) and the sHghtly later confraternity in 

44 Confratemitas 12:2 

Annaberg, the new silver mining town dedicated to Saint Anne in the Saxon 

PAPER # 2: Esperanca Camara, "Prints and the Rosary Confraternity in Late Fifteenth- 
Century Italy" 

In 1470, the Breton Dominican Alanus de Rupe embarked on a mission that would 
ultimately lead to the establishment of the rosary as one of the most popular 
devotions of Catholicism. Alanus promoted a universal brotherhood based not on 
communal prayer or charitable work, but solely on the recitation of the rosary, a 
devotion that combines repetitive prayer with meditation on the life of Christ. By 
the end of the 1480s, Alanus' s brethren had established branches of the confra- 
ternity throughout Europe. Scholarship on the role of prints in the dissemination 
of the rosary confraternity has primarily focused on northern Europe, in part due 
to the abundance of visual material that has survived from this region. Comparable 
material from Italy is scant, but what does survive indicates that prints were also 
central to the dissemination of the confraternity in Italy. In fact, both the textual 
and pictorial evidence indicate that in Italy pictures, and not texts, were the 
primary guides to the rosary. 

Scholars have recently suggested that, unlike other versions of the devotion, 
the fifteen-mystery rosary (the version still in use today) originated as a "picture 
rosary." This would certainly explain its great success, for in this form the 
devotion - like the confraternity itself- was accessible to all, regardless of age, 
gender, class, or nationality. Significantly, the fifteen-mystery rosary appears to 
have been the only form promoted in Italy, where prints of the fifteen mysteries 
pre-date the publication of the first Italian rosary manual, the Rosario della 
Gloriosa Vergine, by forty years. This paper will examine the role of images in 
the practice of the rosary, arguing that they were an essential component of a 
devotion in which visual memory, spoken prayer, and touch were inextricably 

Paper #3: Paolo Sanvito, "Changes in Venetian Renaissance Painting under the Influence 
of Confraternities and the Scuole del Sacramento" 

For some years I have examined the fortune of books on the Life, the Passion and 
the "Imitation of Christ" and related devotional art in Venice. Through various 
documentary evidence, I am able to show that the local usages in religious practice 
and ecclesiastic administration were deeply concerned with the creation and 
maintenance of a great number of confraternities and especially of Scuole del 
Sacramento. Their importance and number was to grow from 1395 (according to 
Pazzi the foundation date of the first of them) at least until the classical age of 
Venetian art around 1500 (it is significant that, as a sixteenth-century document 
demonstrates, all churches, with the exception of four, owned a chapel of the 
Sacrament). The care of these chapels fell to corresponding Scuole, in most cases 
dedicated to the Sacrament itself, while other sacramental concepts or objects in 
the same church were entrusted to other confraternities. 

News 45 

An examination of the holdings of religious writings in the main local 
libraries and archives, as well as of the registration and regulation books of these 
institutions, reveals the existence of a trend of sacramental debates and related 
figurative subjects. Pictorial reflections of this evolution are evident in at least 
two points: in the multiplication of the miraculous christological images in a 
Venetian context, especially those entrusted to confraternities, or in their renova- 
tion if they were ancient; secondly, in the flourishing of the production of 
matriculation books, luxurious books sometimes illuminated in the style of the 
most innovative artists or influenced by some of their most known works. They 
also deserve a separate analysis as a particular phenomenon standing in an 
intermediatr place between aulic painting and popular religious art. 


Barzman, Karen-Edis. The Florentine Academy and the Early Modern State. The 
Discipline ofDisegno. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. xii, 377 pp., 
24 illustrations 

Karen-Edis Barzman' s fascinating study of the first formal academy of art, the 
Accademia del Disegno in Florence, makes an invaluable contribution to our 
understanding of art institutions and their role in the emergence of the modern 
state. By considering the tripartite function of the Academy as lay confraternity, 
school, and guild, Barzman shows that within the cultural politics of the Grand 
Ducal state of the Medici the disciplinary practices of disegno contributed to the 
formation of a new social order. 

The Accademia del Disegno was founded on the guiding principle of disegno. 
As Barzman points out, the term disegno had multiple meanings in the early 
modem period. Although today we might translate disegno as "drawing" or 
"design," during the sixteenth century the concept of disegno was part of complex 
debates over the nature and status of art. Barzman' s characterisation of disegno 
in Foucaldian terms as a disciplinary discourse allows her to consider the socio- 
political consequences of the Academy s institutionalisation of the principle of 
disegno. Inspired by Foucault's interpretation of power in the modem era as 
producing individuals through practices that are codified within institutions, she 
explains how the varied activities of the Academy "constituted a discipline or 
form of social and intellectual management." 

The text is divided into two parts. The first section discusses the history of 
the institution from its inception in 1563 through the end of the Medici regime in 
1737. The second part focuses on the disciplinary practices of the academy. The 
intellectual foundations for the pedagogical programme of the Academy school 
and the course of study followed by artists are examined in the fifth chapter. Here 
Barzman draws on extensive archival research to counter the belief perpetuated 
in previous studies of the Academy that there was no consistent curriculum. In 
the sixth chapter, which examines the Academy's role as confraternity and guild, 
her desire to dispel the myth of the Academy's "failure as a formal institution of 
training" is also evident in her insistence on the centrality of the guild and 
confraternal activities to the discipline of disegno. Indeed, Barzman argues that 
although iht Accademia del Disegno was first and foremost a school, its tripartite 
nature meant that the Florentine Academy's "operations as a disciplinary appa- 
ratus nonetheless exceeded those of a teaching institution." 

Barzman 's emphasis on the importance of the confraternal and guild func- 
tions of the Academy will be of particular interest to scholars working on the role 
of confraternities in the formation of the early modem state. As Barzman con- 
tends, "although many of the activities discussed here constituted traditional 
forms of practice in confratemal and guild settings, they appeared in late six- 
teenth-century Florence within an unprecedented tripartite organ of state, the 


Reviews 47 

Guild, Confraternity, and Academy of Disegno.'' She demonstrates that public 
spectacles such as confratemal processions, celebrations, funerals, the public 
dispensation of charity and the public administration of guild protocols performed 
a disciplinary function and served to articulate the place of artists in the evolving 
social order of the Grand Duchy. 

Erin Campbell 
Department of Fine Art 
University of Toronto 

Confraternity of the Buonomini di San Martino. Historical Archive. Preface by Fr. 
Lorenzo Fatichi O.P. Texts by M. Raffaella De Gramatica and Ludovica Sebregondi. 
Firenze: Edizioni della Meridiana, 2001. 24 pp. 

This volumetto was published to commemorate the reorganization of the historical 
archive of the confraternity of the Buonomini di San Martino, one of the most 
important (and still functioning) lay confraternities of Florence. The group was 
founded in 1442 by Antonino Pierozzi (later St. Antoninus) while he was still 
prior of the Dominican convent of San Marco, an institution of enormous import- 
ance in the cultural and religious life of Florence. As its name suggests, the 
Buonomini consisted of a group of men who were to carry out the good will work 
of financially assisting those Florentines who had unexpectedly fallen into eco- 
nomic difficulties. 

After a short preface by Fr. Lorenzo Fatichi, the current prior of San Marco, 
the pamphlet offers two short, but fine essays by M. Raffaella de Grammatica and 
Ludovica Sebregondi. De Grammatica provides the reader with an overview of 
the confraternity's archive, one of the richest in the city. Its documents span over 
five centuries of activity on behalf of the "shame-faced poor" (those who were 
ashamed of being poor because unaccustomed to their sudden poverty). They are 
richly varied and extremely well detailed. De Grammatica lists the various types 
of ledgers and books kept by the confraternity, points out the different sub- 
collections in the archive, and brings to our attention the fact that over the 
centuries a number of families and individuals donated their own archives to the 
Buonomini: theGianfigliazzi, Minerbetti-Squarcialupi, Capponi, Mazzinghi, Baron- 
cini, Guadagni, Del Campana-Guazzesi families, and then Francesco Marucelli, 
Angelo Barbieri, Andrea Ghidetti, Bernardo Folchi - clearly the archive of the 
Buonomini is an unexpected source for a variety of historical research. Ludovica 
Sebregondi follows with an examination of the images of charity used to embel- 
lish the Buonomini 's oratory, the confraternity's only piece of real estate. Following 
one by one the nine lunettes in the confraternity's meeting room, Sebregondi 
points out the major features of the fresco cycle and connects them with the 
Buonomini' s charitable activities: distributing food and clothing to the needy, 
giving dowries to poor girls, freeing debtors from jail, assisting pilgrims in finding 
accommodations, and burying the poor. 

48 Confratemitas 12:2 

The volume is beautifully produced, with seventeen finely chosen illustrations. 
Although it is a celebrative pamphlet, and not a scholarly tome, the two short 
articles by De Grammatica and Sebregondi elevate it to a work of serious 
scholarly interest that will prove useful to researchers for the ideas and insights 
they present. 

Konrad Eisenbichler 
Department of Italian 
University of Toronto 

'*Un solo corpo". Le Confraternite, la Fede e le Opere. Ed. Danilo Zardin in 
collaboration with Alessandro Rovetta and Ferdinando Zanzottera. Castel Bolognese 

The Italian Adriatic resort of Rimini is full of tourists in August. For the past 
twenty years, a growing group of volunteers have found in this an opportunity to 
present a cultural and religious program of presentations, debates, exhibitions, 
displays, and sports events called the "Meeting for Friendship Among the Peo- 
ples." This past summer, vacationers in Rimini had the chance to leave the beach 
and visit an exhibition on the history and cultural production of confraternities. 
The display of artworks, photos and texts was organized by Danilo Zardin, one 
of the leading Italian scholars of confraternities. Together with a group of 
collaborators, Zardin organized an impressive collection of materials from across 
the Italian peninsula. It moved deliberately from the first Christian communities 
(described as fundamentally fraternities) and the earliest medieval groups of 
gildoniae (also known as collectae and confratriae) through to the modern 
Misericordia confraternities, whose 500,000 members, gathered in 400 groups, 
provide ambulance service in large parts of Italy. 

Zardin 's purpose, stated in a well-illustrated catalogue, is to demonstrate how 
and why these groups constituted the key pillar of collective life animated by a 
Christian ethos, and constituted around the metaphor of the 'Body' - in this, the 
book offers a visual accompaniment to Zardin' s 1998 essay collection, Corpi, 
'fraternita, mestieri nella storia della societa europea (Rome: Bulzoni). The 
purpose is not simply to illustrate a rich ritual or cultural life, but to probe how 
faith, fed by the devotions and rites of confraternities, puts in movement a 
dynamic of mutual solidarity and charity - that is, how it moves from private 
conviction to concrete action in society. This is very much at the core of Zardin' s 
concept of 'rechristianization', which develops as the spiritual legacy of the 
Tridentine reforms in the later sixteenth century, and which he contrasts to the 
concept of 'dechristianization' developed by some French historians of the 
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In this setting, 'rechristianization' becomes 
for Zardin that concern with linking the body of Christ, the body of brothers, and 
the body of society that animates confraternities from their earliest origins to the 
present day. Zardin has plotted this process in numerous scholarly books and 
articles focused on Lombardy, but here adapts it to the level of a non-scholarly 


Reviews 49 

audience, and extends both to the entire Italian peninsula and indeed to the entire 
history of confratemal movements in Italy. In keeping with its celebrative and 
populist purpose, this exhibition and catalogue do not convey the ambiguous 
legacies and sometimes failed efforts that Zardin demonstrates in his scholarly 
work. It does, however, offer a clear and accessible survey of the ideals that 
stimulated confraternal development over the past 2000 years. 

Nicholas Terpstra 
Department of History 
University of Toronto 

Publications Received 

The following publications have been received by the SCS and have been 
deposited into the Confraternities Collection at the Centre for Reformation and 
Renaissance Studies (Toronto): 

Barzman, Karen-Edis. The Florentine Academy and the Early Modern State. The 
Discipline ofDisegno. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. xii, 377 pp., 24 

Confratemite oggi. New series, 2:3 (2001) 16 pp. [newsletter of the Associazione 
Amici di Confratemite Oggi] 

Confraternity of the Buonomini di San Martino. Historical Archive. Preface by Fr. 
Lorenzo Fatichi O.P. Texts by M. Raffaella De Gramatica and Ludovica Sebregondi. 
Firenze: Edizioni della Meridiana, 2001. 24 pp. 

Levin, William R. "The Fagade of Public Philanthropy: A Typological Study of the 
Tuscan Loggias of Charity." Arris 12 (2001), pp. 1-29. 

Quaderni del Centro di Ricerca e di Studio sul Movimento dei Disciplinati, Nos. 1 
(1965), 3-6 (1965-1968), 8-21 (1969-1981). Perugia: Deputazione di Storia Patria 
per rUmbria. 

Santucci, Francesco. "Francesco e francescani nel 'perduto' laudario «Spithover»" in 
San Francesco e il francescanesimo nella letteratura italiana dal XIII al XV secolo. 
Atti del convegno nazionale, Assisi 10-12 dicembre 1999. Assisi: Accademia Pro- 
perziana del Subasio, 2001. pp. 93-1 19. 

Scuola dalmata dei SS Giorgio e Trifone (Venezia) issue 39 (2000/2). 

"f/n solo corpo. " Le Confratemite, la Fede e le Opere. Ed. Danilo Zardin in collabo- 
ration with Alessandro Rovetta and Ferdinando Zanzottera. Castel Bolognese (RA): 
Itaca, 2001.48 pp. 


APR 2 1 2005